THE EARLY CARMELITES AND ACQUIRED CONTEMPLATION
By the year 1604 the die had been cast for the
upheavals in Christian mysticism that were to come. The teachings of Teresa and John were
going to spread all over Europe and beyond with the rapid growth of the Carmelite Order.
And everywhere they found fertile ground in fervent Christians who could now ask
themselves in a new way whether they were being called to be contemplatives. And flowing
right with the works of the Carmelite founders was the idea of acquired contemplation.
The Diffusion of Tomás de Jesús Ideas of Acquired Contemplation
We saw how in 1608 Alvarados version of the Tratado breve had appeared,
and in 1610 the novices of the Benedictine Order were told to read Alvarados works.
(1) And beyond this daylight diffusion there was a less visible spread of this same idea
by Tomás manuscripts and no doubt orally, as well. Tomás time in Rome was to
be followed by intense missionary activity during which he founded monasteries in northern
Europe, and he would not have forgotten to spread his ideas on contemplation there, as
well, and would not his ideas on contemplation have had a special weight precisely because
he had been the first editor of St. Johns writings? We have also seen that three
copies of his treatise on prayer and contemplation have come down to us, and there were
others that were mentioned by Andrés de la Encarnación.
It is interesting to note how often Tomás writings are to be found bundled
together with those of John of the Cross. Ms. 12398, which has a copy of Tomás
treatise on contemplation, also contains Johns Cautelas, or Cautions,
while ms. 12068, which contains a treatise on mystical theology by Tomás, as well as one
on the presence of God, both in the same handwriting, has sandwiched between them a copy
of Johns Dark Night which, as Andrés de la Encarnación noted on it, must be
very old because it calls St. John the second friar of the Reform, which is an indication
that it antedated the Chapter of 1603 which declared John the first friar. There is no
way, though, to tell when these manuscripts were bound together in the same volume. A
manuscript of the Discalced Sisters of Pamplona has bound in it after Johns writings
a fragment of a treatise of Tomás that was taken up in the Camino espiritual,
while in the Library of the University of Barcelona, there is another manuscript, ms. 411,
from the old Carmelite convent of San José in that city with the Ascent, Dark
Night, and the part of the Living Flame containing the transition from
meditation to contemplation, and a few pages of Tomás treatise on mental prayer.
The fact that only this part of The Living Flame is reproduced is not unique to it,
for the same part of the Living Flame is also found in the BNM ms. 8273 which
contains Quirogas Don que tuvo and part of Tomás Tratado de
oración. In a 1619 copy of Johns works, also in the university library of
Barcelona, there is a marginal note in The Dark Night, Book 1, Chapter XIIII, which
reads, in part, "vide Thomá a Jesu de oratio infusa..."
The Toledo manuscript of the Tratado breve also contains St. Johns Dark
Night, and ms. 6895 has another copy of the Tratado breve, Johns Dark
Night, and his poem "The Spiritual Canticle" in its second version with a
commentary by Agustín Antolínez. And, although we dont know when this bundling
took place, it would not be surprising if it happened soon after Tomás had written his
works. It is even possible that some of it happened while Tomás was handling Johns
manuscripts in Las Batuecas, and writing his own. This would make it possible and
here we get to the point of this little exercise for someone to be introduced to
Johns ideas on contemplation, and at the same time to get Tomás view of how
to understand them. Even more telling are the manuscripts of the Tratado breve, for
we saw that two of them (Toledo and ms. 6895) had Johns name on them, and the Toledo
manuscript was dated 1618. Therefore, before Johns writings appeared in print for
the first time in Alcalá de Henares, someone could have been reading the Tratado breve
as Johns work. This Toledo manuscript was handled by Esteban de San José who wrote
on it, "Belonging to the Discalced Carmelites of Toledo," as we saw, but either
didnt notice or didnt think it worth correcting this attribution to John of
the Cross, even though this very Tratado was derived from the treatise on
contemplation that he had helped Tomás write down. Later we will meet with Esteban again,
who is going to be instrumental in circulating the commentaries of Antolínez on
Just who put Johns name on the Tratado breve, and how much before 1618 did
they do it? We dont know. But lets imagine how it could have taken place. The
first part of the Camino espiritual was finished by 1604 and someone extracted from
it, or from the treatise on contemplation, the version that Alvarado had by the middle of
1607 at the latest when his book was ready to go to press. This kind of extracting could
easily have been done by Tomás, himself. Would Alvarado have used this treatise if it had
come to him with St. Johns name on it? Probably not. But what if he knew through
their mutual friends that it was a work of Tomás and Tomás was on the brink of leaving
Spain, as we surmised before? At the same time, other copies of this Tratado breve
could have been circulated both in and outside the Order, and someone who read it and
recognized its affinity with John of the Cross which was rather easy to do since
Chapter 9 gives Johns famous maxims for ascending Mt. Carmel, i.e., travelling by
the road you dont know and put his name on it. In any event, the basic point
is clear. John of the Cross is made the father of acquired contemplation before his works
are even printed. It would be little wonder that later spiritual writers, even those
within the Order, will take up the theme of acquired contemplation and honestly think they
are following John of the Cross.
Just what did spiritual writers within the Discalced think about Johns doctrine
on contemplation in the years leading up to 1618 when his works were to be published? No
clear picture emerges. It is not as if they were uniformly overwhelmed by Johns
writings and made them the firm foundations on which to build their own.
The Treatise of 1602
Was Tomás de Jesús actually the first to develop the idea of acquired contemplation
in the wake of reading John of the Cross? All the evidence points that way. But in an
appendix to a spiritual treatise found among the Discalced Carmelites of Segovia and
written, apparently, by 1602, we read that there are "two contemplations. One natural
that we can acquire with common grace; the other supernatural and infused where our Lord,
with very little work, or without any, gives to his servants great and profound
" (2) Sometimes it is difficult to tell the two apart, we are
told, but if we burn with the love of God without preliminary exercise of discourse, then
it is infused.
If the date of this passage is, indeed, 1602 - the dating is somewhat indirect
then this is, indeed, an interesting statement. But what does it say? Its wider context is
to compare meditation with contemplation taken in the general sense of a natural
conclusion to the discursive process and, as I mentioned before, the problem of acquired
contemplation is not the existence of this kind of contemplation as a momentary rest at
the conclusion of meditation. It is the identification of this contemplation with passages
in the writings of St. John on infused contemplation. Still, the language of this passage
is interesting. Can it have nothing to do with Tomás de Jesús? He could have written his
Tratado de oracion y contemplacion by this time, and this treatise is, in fact,
bound with a collection of spiritual writings which include both John of the Cross and
Tomás Del modo de caminar por la mística Theulujia y ejercicio de las virtudes
a la union con Dios which is his Tratado de mística theologia which, in turn,
was included in the last part of the Camino espiritual, and so it is possible that
even this early treatise owes something of its language to the work of Tomás.
Jerónimo Gracián (1545-1614),was the confidant of St. Teresa and the first provincial
of the Carmelite Reform, and from there he went on to lead a life worthy of any adventure
novel. He was expelled from the Discalced by Nicolás Doria, and then later captured by
the Barbary pirates and held for ransom. His Elucidation Concerning the True Spirit
was published in Spain in 1604 where he had spent from 1600 to 1607, though he may have
composed this book before in Rome. There he writes: "There are two kinds of spiritual
unions. The one procured and worked for and acquired with meditation and the exercise of
; the second union is given, supernatural and impressed in prayer
(3) He says something similar in his 1609 Vida del alma: "the first which they
call active which the soul procures for itself with its meditation
the second, which
some call passive, is that which comes from God, Himself
without working with
In his De la vida del Cristo y perfección del alma unida he states: "Union
with Christ has two modes. The first we can call active, which is when our free will works
together with grace to unite us to Christ, although it may go by the way of meditation or
contemplation or speaking vocally. The second is more passive
All these passages seem to be describing nothing more than the difference between
meditation and infused contemplation on the one hand, and sometimes contemplation taken as
the culmination of the process of meditation. Later Gracián went to the Low Countries
where he teamed up with Tomás de Jesús in combating what they felt were the excesses of
the perfectionists, that is, the followers of the northern mystics who went too far, they
felt, in the annihilation of the faculties. Gracián had also written various versions of
a commentary on a treatise of St. Bonaventure which now is attributed by scholars to
Hughes de Balma. The initial version of 1601 he called The Heavenly Road, while
another in 1607 he named Mystical Theology. There was also a 1616 version called The
Itinerary of the Ways of Perfection, and one that was published in 1617 in Brussels
after his death, but which is said to have appeared eight years earlier. (6) In it he
draws on "the masters of mystical theology" and discusses the difference between
acquired mental prayer and supernatural mental prayer or theology. It would, perhaps, be
worthwhile to compare these various versions, as well as the development of this theme of
acquired prayer in his other writings, to see if he developed in the direction of the
acquired contemplation of Tomás, but as things stand now, he can hardly be called a
proponent of acquired contemplation in that sense.
Inocencio de San Andrés
Lets take the case of Inocencio de San Andrés (Andrés Lacarra López),
1553-1620. If anyone should have known John of the Cross doctrine on contemplation,
it was Inocencio. He had met John when John was the rector of the Carmelite College of
Alcalá de Henares, and it was on Johns counsel that he join the Carmelites. Later
Inocencio was in El Calvario when John arrived there after having escaped from prison, and
he went with John to Baeza and then to Granada. He even tells us that it was at his
request that John wrote The Dark Night by which he might have meant the Ascent
of Mt. Carmel, or even the whole Ascent-Dark Night.
After all this, when we hear he wrote a book called Theológia mística y espejo de
la vida eterna por el cual son encaminadas las almas, which was published in 1615, we
want nothing more than to see what he has to say about this difficult issue of acquired
contemplation. This would have been a desire that for a long time would not have been easy
to satisfy. There is a singular lack of information about his book in the ancient
chronicles of the Order, but we are told that his Theológia mística y espejo was
published under the pseudonym Andrés Lacarra y Crucate, Canon Regular, and it was divided
into three parts: mental prayer, mortification, and the interior man. Later, in the middle
of the 18th century Andrés de la Encarnación adds that he found the original
in Granada, but when he compared it with the printed version he noticed important
additions and omissions.
In the 20th century Crisógono de Jesús had found a copy of the book in the
library of the Discalced Friars in Toledo, but the library was ravaged during the Civil
War and the book disappeared. But the story has a happy ending. In the 1950s Eulogio Pacho
found a copy of the book, but it raised more questions than it answered. (7) It showed the
influence of John of the Cross in a very literal way, for its third part actually
transcribes chapters 13 and 14 of Book II of the Ascent, and thus one of these
chapters is called, "The signs that have to be present in the spiritual person in
order to know what time to leave discourse and meditation." And all this is, of
course, three years before the publication of Johns writings. But despite this
borrowing of Johns text, the book never mentions him, nor is it prefaced with an
approval by a censor of the Order.
These facts, along with the circumstances surrounding the books publication, lead
us in the direction of an explanation along the lines we have already seen when it was a
question of why it took so long for St. Johns writings, themselves, to appear, and
why Tomás de Jesús failed to cite John in his published writings. The political climate
of the Order may have caused Inocencio to give his manuscript to a friend to publish, and
to make no mention in it of John of the Cross. This would still leave unexplained why it
was published in a form that differed from the original, and poorly edited, as well.
The Prologue of the book reads: "This compendium is divided into two kinds of
subject matter. In the first we will treat of acquired prayer, which is a kind of common
and plain prayer for those souls who, like animals, advance with work and effort
the second mystical theology will be treated
" Thus, we are promised the study
of the two kinds of mental prayer: "one supernatural, or divine, or mystical, which
God infuses in whomever he desires
the other kind of prayer is that which each one
with divine favor can and ought to have, which is ordinarily called acquired."
At first glance this appears to be an impressive testimony about the early origins of
the use of the word acquired in connection with prayer although not with contemplation,
perhaps even reflecting the teaching of John of the Cross, himself. But Inocencio never
follows this plan in the printed version of the book, and this latter passage has a very
familiar ring to it. In fact, when the Spanish Carmelite scholar Fortunato de Jesús
Antolín, another of our detective-scholars, saw a copy of Eulogio Pachos article,
he must have read it with great interest, for he, too, had discovered a copy of
Inocencios book in the library of the Discalced Sisters of Alba de Tormes. (8) But
when he read these passages, he turned to Tomás de Jesús Tratado de oración
mental, which had appeared in Rome five years before the publication of
Inocencios book, and he found that far from Inocencio giving original testimony to
the antiquity of the doctrine of acquired contemplation he, or his editor, appeared to be
paraphrasing Tomás treatise. Not only that, Tomás book had been printed at
the same place as Inocencios, and a canon regular, Pedro Cayas de Torres of
Montaragón, who was devoted to St. Teresa, had been instrumental in the publication of
Tomás work, and it seemed possible to Padre Fortunato that the pseudonym Andrés
Lacarra y Cruzate, Canon Regular, was a combination of Inocencios name in the world
and the title of this canon regular. We can even go further and surmise, as we have, that
this was a device by which Inocencio avoided the ban on John of the Cross in his Order,
and paid homage to his dear master. Inocencio writes that it is important to dwell on the
acts of the will in prayer, and that "the saints and masters of the spiritual life
call that good and perfect prayer, and even contemplation," for all the other parts
of prayer are meant to lead to contemplation. There is certainly nothing here that could
not have come from Tomás de Jesús, and he might have been one of the spiritual masters
called upon. Padre Fortunato goes on to show that other parts of the Theológia
mística y espejo had been cobbled together, relying on Francisco Arias, Luis de
Granada, and others, and while John of the Cross is present in virtue of a transcription
of part of the Ascent which Inocencio might have felt a certain proprietary
rights to his influence does not appear elsewhere in the book.
Juan de Jesús María Aravalles
Juan de Jesús María Aravalles, whom we saw assigned with Tomás to edit the works of
John of the Cross, had also known St. John towards the end of Johns life. For a long
time he was thought to be the author of an often reprinted Instruction of Novices,
and a treatise on prayer, written around 1587 but not printed until the 20th
century, had been attributed to him, as well. But Simeón de la Sagrada Familia had shown
that the attribution of these works to Aravalles was without foundation. (9) Whoever the
author of this treatise of prayer may have been, he makes no pretense at being a mystic,
himself. "If I had tasted it, I should not speak of it," he tells us. (10) And
despite our expectations that someone so close to the beginnings of the Carmelite Reform
would reflect the influence of John of the Cross, he cites him neither in his Treatise
of Prayer nor in his Instruction of Novices. In The Treatise on Prayer
he divides mental prayer into the traditional seven parts: preparation, reading,
meditation, contemplation, thanksgiving, petition and epilogue. He connects meditation
with the work of the understanding, and contemplation with the work of the will, and while
contemplation is the "soul of prayer," sometimes it is difficult to distinguish
from meditation. (11) In this context contemplation could not be infused contemplation,
but simply the affectively toned insights that meditation naturally leads to.
Juan de Jesús María (el Calagurritano)
Juan de San Pedro y Ustarroz (1564-1615) also took the name of Juan de Jesús María
after entering the Order in 1582, and he was a much more important figure in the history
of Carmelite spirituality than his namesake, Aravalles, leaving more than 70 titles. But
he interests us here for two reasons. First, for the light that his relationship with John
of the Cross, or lack of one, sheds on St. Johns influence within the Order in its
early years, and secondly, his relationship with Tomás de Jesús.
As a student at Alcalá de Henares from autumn 1579 to January of 1582, it is probable
that he came in contact with the Discalced Carmelites there at the house at which John of
the Cross had been Rector in 1571, for he entered the Reform right after; nor could he
have escaped the influence of St. John because his novice master at Pastrana was Juan
Bautista, el Remendato who, in turn, had been the novice of John of the Cross. Juan de
Jesús María was sent to Italy by Doria in 1585 and remained there the rest of his life.
Some scholars have gone so far as to say that he had no knowledge of John of the
Cross writings. This is unlikely for the reasons just given, and so we are left with
the puzzle of why he never cites St. John.
The problem we saw in connection with the listing of the seven parts of mental prayer
in Aravalles is resolved by Juan de Jesús María by leaving out contemplation for fear
that beginners would attempt to do it prematurely, for in his mind, this contemplation
meant infused contemplation. (12)
From 1607 to 1608 Juan de Jesús María taught theology in Naples, and then went to
Rome as the Procurator General of the Order, where he worked on St. Teresas
beatification. It is here that he met Tomás de Jesús, whom we saw leaving Spain in 1607,
and they worked on the idea of a Carmelite missionary congregation and, no doubt,
discussed passionately the nature of contemplation. Their relationship is one more reason
why Juan de Jesús María had to be acquainted with the works of John of the Cross, for it
was in the years preceding Tomás de Jesús departure for Rome that he was
annotating and reflecting on the works of John of the Cross. The relationship between
Tomás de Jesús and Juan de Jesús María has never, unfortunately, been subject to close
scrutiny, and there are a number of hints that it would be a fruitful project. Tomás de
Jesús shared Juan de Jesús Marías six-fold division of mental prayer. In his Escuela
de oración or School of Prayer written in 1610 and published the following
year he divides contemplation into natural, supernatural and divine, with the supernatural
being equivalent to acquired contemplation. (13)
For Juan de Jesús María, if we are to understand divine contemplation we must note
"that there is a natural contemplation of God insofar as he is the author of nature
and about natural things, and there is a supernatural contemplation of God insofar as he
is the author of grace, mysteries and supernatural works, and finally, there is divine
contemplation of this same God and His divine perfections by means of the gift of
wisdom." (14) The first kind of contemplation is found among philosophers who arrive
at a clear and penetrating understanding of things after having reasoned about them. The
second kind of contemplation is an admirable knowledge of the mysteries of grace in which
we know them "with a quiet and penetrating knowledge and with suspension of the
soul." (15) The third kind of contemplation works through the gift of wisdom when we
receive from it an actual divine light with special aid. (16)"
Juan de Jesús María joins with Tomás de Jesús and later Quiroga in invoking
Dionysius the Areopagite and in expressing the following sentiment: "considering the
state of this age of ours, in which many books on this subject circulate and are read in
the vernacular, in unintelligible language, causing spiritual persons no little harm, and
considering, furthermore, the profit which can arise from brief and clear expositions in
the vulgar tongue
we will treat of the points of this said theology in clear
The role of the gifts of the Holy Spirit in contemplation would be another way to try
to unravel the relationship between Tomás de Jesús and Juan de Jesús María. The latter
in his Theologica Mística talks of a contemplation that does not come from the
gift of wisdom, but from the gift of prophecy, and is not limited to souls in grace. (18)
The Theologia Mística appeared in 1605 and thus before Tomás de Jesús
appearance on the Roman scene. Is this doctrine on contemplation through the gift of
prophecy present in the 1605 version without any influence of Tomás, or did Tomás
receive it from Juan de Jesús María whose book he apparently knew before he left Spain
because he made a reference to it in his Repertorium? And when it comes to the
central issue of acquired contemplation it seems possible that Juan de Jesús María in
his School of Prayer is reflecting in a minor way the influence of Tomás de Jesús
who had come to Rome with well-developed ideas on the subject. If Juan de Jesús María
shows so little influence of John of the Cross, and acquired contemplation was supposed to
be an invention of John of the Cross, how could he have come to this idea if not through
some intermediary? This second kind of contemplation is acquired normally, and the word
acquired occurs in the Italian original and the Latin translation of the book, but not, we
are told, in the Spanish translation. (19) Is Juan de Jesús María really talking about
an acquired contemplation in the modern sense of the term stemming from Tomás de Jesús?
If he is, it does not play a significant role in his work. (20)
Tomás attempt to found a missionary congregation of Discalced Carmelites ran
into serious opposition on the part of both the Spanish and Italian congregation, and in
1608 Juan de Jesús María was requesting that the new General, Fernando de Santa María,
come to Rome to speak to the Pope about the elimination of the missionary congregation,
which the Pope did. (21) If Juan de Jesús María and the unknown author of the book
attributed to his name sake, Aravalles, both of whom followed so closely in time after
John of the Cross in the Carmelite Order could escape without a significant understanding
of his work, what does this tell us? First, St. Johns spiritual authority and
influence grew only slowly within the Carmelite Order itself. If his works circulated in
manuscript widely, as is likely, they were not necessarily appreciated as the work of
genius we know them for today. With the rapid expansion of the Reform and its acceptance
of men already formed, it was entirely possible to be a Carmelite during the time that
John of the Cross was still alive and have no deep understanding of his teaching and of
his works. This isnt to suggest that these early spiritual writers had anything
against John of the Cross, not to say, however, that this was an impossibility, given the
disgrace that John of the Cross fell in at the end of his life, but rather, early
Carmelite spirituality, while it could hardly escape the influence of St. Teresa, in its
earliest formative stage did not necessarily build on the work of John of the Cross.
José de Jesús María Quiroga
Given the failure of these writers to openly cite John of the Cross, and even to speak
in a way that would make their dependence on him, or lack of it, clear, it is a relief to
come to someone who was an outstanding and vocal champion of John of the Cross and who
cited him at every turn. This is Francisco de Quiroga (1562-1628) known in religion as
José de Jesús María. Quiroga was the nephew of Cardinal Gaspar de Quiroga and was
already a priest of 33 years of age when he joined the Carmelites. He was soon appointed
their first Historian General, and traveled all over Spain collecting information about
the Order and its founders. Except for a period between 1600 to 1607, when he was
appointed Prior of Toledo, he successfully resisted office. He wanted nothing more than to
be left alone in his cell and to give himself over to prayer and his spiritual writings.
Unfortunately, it was his writings that were to bring him into conflict with his
superiors. Quiroga had strong views about what he saw as the excessive activity in the
Order, and how it was detrimental to its contemplative vocation, and he didnt
hesitate to make these criticisms known. He felt that the Order had been more solitary in
the past, and should follow that past example, as well as that of John of the Cross. The
friars should spend four hours in the morning in their cells in spiritual exercises.
The balance between the active and the contemplative dimensions of the Carmelite life
was already a touchy point, which we have seen flare up with Tomás interpolations
of Diego Yepes book on St. Teresa, and the question of a Carmelite missionary
congregation. When Quirogas life of John of the Cross appeared in Brussels in 1628
without the approval of the Order, and asserting his strong opinions about the need for
the predominance of the solitary life, as well as other controversial matters, he was
exiled to Cuenca where he soon died.
Quiroga must have known Tomás de Jesús, for what would have been more natural for the
Orders Historian General to consult with the editor of Johns writings? Indeed,
in a letter to Alonso de Madre de Dios dated Feb. 13, 1614, he tells Alonso that his first
volume of the history of the Order, which he is sending him, had been ready for three
years. (22) And in a letter to Quiroga, Alonso praises him for the care he has taken in
verifying the facts about what he has been writing, and adds: "And it didnt
come to me to say this either from the love or lack of it I might have for Tomás de
Jesús, for I have said something of it to him on another occasion." (23) The very
least that this correspondence shows is that Quiroga had some knowledge of Tomás de
Jesús, which is something that we would have expected in any event. But it also might
imply some friction between Tomás and Alonso, and perhaps Tomás and Quiroga, over
something Tomás had written. But there is something more here. The same kind of events
that held up the publication of John of the Cross writings could have easily
effected Quirogas writing career, as well. Why was Quirogas book on hold for
three years? Eulogio Pacho feels that Quirogas literary activity ceased between 1607
and 1613-1614. (24) Then it began again, as we have just seen, and Quiroga began
collaborating in the production of the first edition of Johns writings and
contributed the first published biographical sketch of St. John. (25) Did he have any
influence on the text of the edition itself? He knew its editor, Salablanca, very well,
not only in religion, but from the fact that both of them had grown up as part of the
household of Cardinal Quiroga.
Quirogas mystical works, which include his Don que tuvo and Apología
mística, as well as Subida del alma, allow us to see in detail what he thought
about John of the Cross doctrine of contemplation, especially its delicate
beginnings. There is no unanimity, however, among scholars about the relationship between
Quirogas teaching on contemplation and that of John of the Cross. Jean Krynen, for
example, whom we saw before insisting that Tomás de Jesús had deformed Johns
teaching on contemplation, in this case believes that Quiroga was his faithful
interpreter. (26) For my part, I confess that I see Quiroga as one of the chief architects
of a doctrine of acquired contemplation, which is incorrectly attributed to John of the
Lets look at Quirogas Don que tuvo. One of the approbations of the
book was written on Nov. 19, 1622 by a Dr. Merino, so Padre Fortunato dates the
composition of the book somewhere between 1618 and 1622. (27) Gerardo de San Juan de la
Cruz in his edition of John of the Cross published the Don que tuvo, basing himself
on a manuscript of the Discalced Friars of Toledo, as well as ms. 11990 and ms. 8273 in
the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid. We have already met ms. 8273 because it contains a
partial copy of Tomás Tratado de oración y contemplación. Quirogas
full title runs: Summary Notice of the Singular Divine Gift that our Holy Father, Fray
Juan de la Cruz had in order to communicate to contemplative souls the hidden wisdom he
had received from the Holy Spirit. Quiroga explains in the first chapter just what
this singular gift is. Not only did John have the gift to know: "the highest grades
of contemplation, which no one can arrive at without a particular divine
illumination" a gift he shared with St. Teresa "but also (the
gift) to teach advantageously the common grades of contemplation that we are able to
achieve by our own human mode by means of the light of faith and the ordinary help of
grace, and which is what properly concerns and upon which we have to principally found our
exercise of mental prayer as the means and proportionate disposition for the other more
elevated graces." (28) What was obscure in this contemplation in St. Dionysius and
the other saints, John has made clear even to the "simple and uneducated." And
Quiroga, relying on the twin lights of St. Dionysius and St. Thomas Aquinas, is going to
make the nature of this contemplation clear to us despite the objections raised by
"some spiritual masters."
The first objection of these masters is that John didnt teach about meditation
with the imagination, but had people jump straight into "divine intellectual
contemplation." Quiroga replies that John is limiting himself to the proximate means
that lead to divine union, and not dealing with the more remote ones like sensible
meditation. Now while it is necessary for the soul to be totally mortified in order to
reach divine union, such complete mortification is not required to attain "simple
intellectual contemplation." Indeed, this simple intellectual contemplation serves to
prepare us for divine union.
All this begins to sound very much like Tomás acquired contemplation. But
lets go on. Quiroga claims that John taught his disciples about meditation and
divided it into three parts. The first two were the representation of the mystery to be
meditated on and the intellectual consideration of it. The third we would expect to be the
exercise of the will in love and, indeed, it is, but Quiroga calls it "an attentive
and loving quiet towards God," (quietud atenta y amorosa a Dios) and a peaceful,
loving and calm quiet of faith (quietud pacifica amorosa y sosagada de fe) and a
"simple attention to God" (atención sencilla). And so we are back to the very
misunderstanding we saw in the Tratado breve. The terms used by St. John to explain
our receptivity to infused contemplation have now become attached to a contemplation we
can do ourselves.
Quiroga goes on to tell us that this kind of meditation, which John taught to his
disciples, quickly led them to contemplation. In fact, "without having ever left
sensible means, they were already contemplatives because they were finishing their
meditation in contemplation, and before entering of set purpose in it they have already
overcome the major difficulty of the contemplative life," (29) which is not knowing
how to quiet the soul in God. Since they are accustomed to working actively, "it
appears to them that they are losing time, although passively they might be receiving
divine influence and illumination even if it is not communicated to them so efficaciously
so as to suspend their proper operations. In this way, they are taught to speak with God,
not with the discourses of the understanding, but with the voices of the affect."
Much of this, of course, echoes the language of John of the Cross, but a language now
given over to the service of acquired contemplation. The goal of meditation is "the
simple contemplation of God in the general, loving and pure knowledge of faith."
(30)And it is to this that Quiroga applies Johns signs. Given this overall program,
it is not surprising to find Quiroga quoting St. Johns Ascent to the effect
that acts of loving knowledge in meditation lead to a habit of loving knowledge. This
loving knowledge, for Quiroga, has two components, which are knowledge and sensible love.
As far as knowledge is concerned, a few acts of meditation are sufficient and "very
soon the soul is prepared in meditation to pass to contemplation." (31) When it comes
to sensible love, more effort is needed. He cites St. Bonaventure to the effect that one
or two months are enough to mature the sensible appetite so that it, too, can pass to
contemplation, and when the soul has made use of meditation and finds it has no more taste
for it, "it is a very certain sign that it is prepared to pass to
contemplation." (32) It is this divine contemplation that is the goal of the Order.
There seems to be little in Quirogas contemplation that we have not seen in one
way or another in Tomás de Jesús, and when Quiroga was criticized by his superiors, he
wrote a short treatise, BNM ms. 2711, that contains a very intriguing passage. If the
Company of Jesus, he tells us, can be so appreciated for having received the way of
sensible meditation, how can I fulfill my office without talking about the divine
contemplation which is the goal of our Order, and which opens the door to divine
illumination? This divine contemplation is the contemplation that he has been talking
about throughout the Don que tuvo. "And further, it is very clear to me,"
he continues, " that one of the greatest harms that our Order has suffered is the
little appreciation and exercise of this contemplation so that although our Lord gave us
an accredited master of it in our venerable father Fray Juan de la Cruz, the first
Discalced of the Reform, and he taught us about it by word and writing with distinction
and propriety, his most useful doctrine is not received with the applause it deserves, not
only in the monasteries of the common life, but also in the desert monasteries dedicated
to this divine contemplation." (34)
Jean Krynen attempted to use this passage to show that Quiroga was not in agreement
with Tomás de Jesús since it was Tomás, of course, who played the leading role in the
formation of the Carmelite desert monasteries. If this were true, then we are left in the
strange situation of wondering why Quirogas doctrine on active contemplation would
be so similar to that of Tomás de Jesús if he were really at odds with him. The answer,
I think, is to be found in the concluding paragraphs of the Don que tuvo. Here
Quiroga again berates the Order for forgetting the doctrine of John of the Cross, but he
is more explicit about what is being forgotten. He writes, "Because the influence and
teaching of our holy father Fray Juan de la Cruz is lacking (in the Order) other masters
have entered that favor more discourse of reason and the unquiet operation of the soul
than simple spiritual acts where the divine operation is received and the effects of
supernatural influence which work our perfection. They made in their disciples such a
different work that the disciples came forth from them many times with crippled heads and
are found few elevated spirits, and as they do not teach them in the novitiates how to
travel to contemplation when they have become ready for it, they go out of the school
without knowing the chief thing about their vocation, and afterwards remain the rest of
the life without knowing it
" (35) By 1628 when Quiroga made his response to his
superiors, Tomás had been gone from the Carmelite deserts in Spain for more than 20
years, and Quiroga is not complaining about Tomás doctrine on contemplation, but
rather he is complaining that active contemplation that he imagines John of the Cross to
be the father of is not being used widely enough.
Later Andrés de la Encarnación will also complain that even in the Discalced
cloisters, themselves, until this venerable father came (Quiroga), the doctrine of our
holy father (John of the Cross) appeared unknown
Before him (Quiroga) no one seems
to refer or even know (Johns) most particular new doctrine of faith and
contemplation, as we have seen in the writings of el Calagurritano, Fray Tomás de Jesús,
and Fray Domingo (de Jesús María). (36)
Does this testimony drive a wedge between Tomás and Quiroga? Not really, for we have
only to remember the praise that Andrés, himself, heaped upon the Tratado breve.
He would not have included Tomás among those forgetful of Johns doctrine on
contemplation, as set forth by Quiroga this new doctrine of faith and contemplation
if he had known that Tomás was responsible for the Tratado breve. Why
didnt Andrés ever notice the similarity between The Tratado breve and
Tomás Tratado de oración y contemplación, which he handled when they
returned to the archive of San Hermenegildo? Perhaps having already been familiar with
some of Tomás published works he did not look at these manuscripts closely. (37)
Quirogas doctrine on acquired contemplation in the Don que tuvo can be
found in his other works, as well, like his Apología mística, which was written
sometime between 1615-1625, (38) but not published until a few years ago when Jean Krynen
came out with a French translation of BNM ms. 4478, and later with the Spanish text. (39)
In Chapter 4, for example, Quiroga will make many of the same points as the author of the
first chapter of the Tratado breve in Alvarados version. He will, for
example, make a fundamental distinction between discourse and intuition, which latter he
calls "intelligence of the indivisible." And when this intelligence is applied
to faith it becomes a "simple apprehension of the objects of the faith," "a
pure intelligence" without discourse.
And the same doctrine is to be found in his Subida del alma de Dios which was
published in two parts in 1656 and 1659, although there remains a question about how
faithful this printed edition was to the original manuscripts. BNM ms. 2231 of the Subida
was written prior to 1617, for one of the approvals of that manuscript is of that
date. (40) The Subida was to go on to have a tumultuous history of condemnation and
resurrection that was to last well beyond the end of the 17th century. There is
no need to examine these works in detail, but only to note some interesting points that
supplement the perspective of the Don que tuvo. The Subida states that
Teresa was "chosen by God to be a master of infused and supernatural
contemplation," and John of the Cross "a master of the contemplation we can
attain by our own industry." (41) And Quiroga, having spoken of the spiritual
marriage, refers to "a most eminent contemplation practiced by those transformed in
God in the participation of the celestial life." And he tells us "an experienced
author" calls this "supereminent contemplative life." E. Allison Peers, the
great English scholar of Spanish mysticism, suggests that this experienced author might be
none other than Tomás de Jesús, himself. (42)
These might not be the only hints on Tomás influence on Quiroga. In the tenth
chapter of the Don que tuvo Quiroga leaves us with this striking passage:
"There are two manners of supernatural contemplation: one in the human mode by means
of the simple light of faith and the common help of grace; and this we are able to
exercise whenever we want just as we are able to exercise whatever other act of faith with
this same help; and the gift of wisdom supernaturally illumines this contemplation in our
The other contemplation is more elevated and makes use of a particular
and more efficacious aid and a greater illumination than the gift of wisdom which lifts
the soul to a knowledge and love of God above our human mode to which no one can attain
without God granting it to him
" (43) He goes on to say that God made St. Teresa
the teacher of this latter kind of contemplation, as is seen in her books, and of the
other "which is exercised in our human mode by means of the enigmatic mirror, that
is, by a superintellectual concept formed by our mode in the obscurity of faith (which is
not denied to anyone). God made our holy father Fray Juan de la Cruz a great master as his
writing and the experience of his disciples show." (44) When Fortunato Antolín
examined in detail Quirogas doctrine on ordinary contemplation, he found that
Quiroga describes two kinds of contemplation. The first he calls divine, supernatural and
illuminated, perfect, supernaturally infused, elevated, above our human mode, and the
second is described as simple, pure and simple, simple of faith, light of faith, common,
ordinary, obscure knowledge of faith, simple of God in general, loving and pure knowledge
of faith, and so forth. (45)
The main point of all this is that Quiroga had a doctrine of acquired contemplation
which, in substance, was the same as Tomás de Jesús whether he received it from
him or not. Both of them commented on John of the Cross á la Dionysius and Thomas
Aquinas, and both created a contemplation we can do ourselves.
- Antoine de Alvarado, DS, 403.
- Jacinto de Santa Teresa, "Manuscritos espirituales," p. 109.
- Crisógono de Jesús, La escuela mística..., p. 130.
- Jerónimo Gracián, Vida del Alma, Obras, Vol. I, p. 385.
- Crisógono de Jesús, La escuela mística..., p. 130.
- E.A. Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. II, p. 139ff.
- Eulogio Pacho, "Fray Inocencio..."
- Fortunado Antolín, "Inocencio de San Andrés..."
- Simeón de la Sagrada Familia, "Dos tratados espirituales..."
- Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. III, p. 12.
- Ibid., p. 10.
- Ibid., p. 20.
- Jean de Jésus Marie, DS, 579.
- Juan de Jesús María, Escuela de oración, Tratado VII, Duda 7a, p. 209.
- Ibid., p. 210.
- Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. III, p. 26.
- Ibid., p. 28.
- Ibid., p. 27, note 4.
- Roberto di Santa Teresa, "La contemplatione infusa..." p. 664, note 42.
- HCD, VIII, p. 586.
- HCD, IX, p. 466.
- "No me nace el decirlo de amor o desamor que yo tenga al Fr. Tomás de Jesús, que
a él en otra occasión le dije algo de esto." Ibid.
- Eulogio Pacho, El Cántico Espiritual, p. 43.
- Ibid., p. 45, note 19.
- Jean Krynen, LApologie Mystique de Quiroga, Introduction.
- The Don que tuvo was dated 1614 in an article in the Dictionnaire de
spiritualité written by Fortunato de Jesús (Antolín). This would have had Quiroga
defending John of the Cross well before the publication of his writings, and citing John
of the Cross according to the text of the first edition. Padre Fortunato said in a letter
to me, however, that the 1614 date is a typographical error for 1914, which is when Don
que tuvo was first published by Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. III, pp.
- Ibid., p. 518.
- Ibid., p. 520.
- Ibid., p. 525.
- Ibid., p. 528.
- Jean Krynen, "Saint Jean de la Croix, Antolínez..." p. 411.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. III, p. 569.
- Jean Krynen, "Saint Jean de la Croix, Antolínez..." p. 412.
- In the first decades of the 20th century when the debates over acquired
contemplation were raging, Claudio de Jesús Crucificado felt that Juan Arintero had
misunderstood this very passage of Andrés and identified the kind of contemplation at
stake as acquired contemplation. Claudio de Jesús Crucificado, "Questiones
místicas," IV, p. 75, note 1.
- Jean Krynen, LApologie Mystique de Quiroga, p. x.
- Jean Krynen, LApologie Mystique de Quiroga; Max Huot de Longchamp produced
a Spanish-French version of the same manuscript, and Fortunado Antolín another Spanish
version of the same text.
- The first approval was by Dr. Martín Ramírez on April 9, 1617, followed by one by Fray
Juan González on Oct. 10, 1619, but the third by Andrés Merino does not take place until
July 10, 1625. (Matías del Niño Jesús, "Indice de manuscritos," p. 202)
Alonso de Jesús María was back in power between 1619 and 1625. Was Quirogas book
on hold during that time?
- Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. III, p. 49.
- Ibid., p. 52.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. III, pp.
- Ibid., p. 534.
- Fortunado Antolín, El Padre José... sobre contemplación ordinaria, pp. 175ff.,
p. 179, note 77.
THE PUBLICATION OF THE FIRST EDITION
The official delays to print St. Johns writings did
not prevent them from circulating widely in manuscript, nor did it stop what could be
called a partial pirated edition of them. This "first" edition did not go
unnoticed by the Carmelites. In his introductory remarks to the official first edition the
General of the Order, José de Jesús María not to be confused with his namesake
Quiroga made a veiled reference to it, and in the next century Andrés de la
Encarnación wrote: "I have seen a book on mysticism by a Victorine father printed
before that of the saint in which many and entire chapters of The Ascent of Mt. Carmel
have been taken word for word and been passed off as his own." (1) Finally, Gerardo
de San Juan de la Cruz named the culprit in the introduction to his edition of the
writings of John of the Cross. It was Juan Bretón in his Mística theologia y doctrina
de la perfección evangelica a la que puede llegar el alma en esta vida sacada del spú
(espíritu) de los sagrados doctores. And the Carmelite Enrique Llamas in 1991
clarified the extent of Bretóns borrowings. (2) This is yet another example,
similar to that of the Tratado breve, where the wheels of Carmelite scholarship
ground slowly, but continued to work over the centuries.
But just who was Juan Bretón, and why did he appropriate Johns writings? Bretón
was a friar Minim of the Order of San Francisco de Paula which were also called Victorines
after their house Our Lady of Victory in Madrid. He borrowed long passages from The
Ascent, and some from the Living Flame, as well, including one that didnt
come from any of the manuscripts that we know now, and so incidentally did a service to
the textual criticism of St. Johns works. Bretón was a lector of theology at
Valladolid from 1583 onwards, as well as a Consultor y Calificador of the Holy Office. He
also preached widely in Valladolid, Madrid and Andalusía. He was invited to Valencia,
perhaps by Juan de Ribera, its archbishop and future saint, sometime before 1611 when
Ribera died. (3) There he met "good preachers and spiritual directors," and he
mentions in 1612 the work of Sobrino who had been writing about some propositions that
were "sent from Flanders and which have made a great disturbance." (4) He is
referring to the Franciscan Antonio Sobrino who worked in Valencia and whom he might have
met there. Sobrino, as we will see later, had strong Carmelite connections, and in his own
book of 1612 he took up the cause of Jerónimo Gracián and Tomás de Jesús who were
fighting against the perfectionists in the Lowlands.
Any or all of these circumstances could have brought him into contact with St.
Johns writings, but we are left with the puzzle of why he felt free to so largely
avail himself of them, and why, too, he never cites John of the Cross once. Perhaps he,
too, knew of the official opposition of the Order to the publication of St. Johns
writings, and so could have reasoned that he was doing the world a favor by publishing
them. Bretón also tells us that he had been working on his book for 14 years, (5) and
that would make it possible that he might have known St. Johns writings around the
same time that Tomás began his work as editor.
But together with Johns writings we find Bretón propounding a doctrine that
sounds much like acquired contemplation. He describes three kinds of recollection:
contemplation, union, and mystical theology, and E. Allison Peers comments: "This is
an unusual use of the work "recollection" (recogimiento), to take in the whole
of the contemplative life, and the word "contemplation" must also be understood
in a special sense - viz., as acquired contemplation. For it is something which, through
silence and the stilling of the understanding, can be achieved by all." (6)
Melquiades Andrés Martín, in his Los Recogidos, mentions in passing that
Bretón knew the Tratado breve, and, if this is true, this makes us wonder even
more about the context in which he discovered St. Johns writings. (7) Bretóns
work was translated into French by his fellow Minim Claude Burens in 1619, but no copy of
that translation is to be found. He also strongly influenced the Benedictine Pelayo de San
Benito (died1635) in his 1626 Suma de oración. Later, when controversy was going
to envelope Antonio Rojas 1628 Vida del espiritú because he was teaching an
acquired contemplation, Bretóns name was to come up again. The Discalced Carmelite,
Agustín de San José, writing from the monastery of Los Mártires in Granada, denounced
Rojas book to the Inquisition in 1630 and said that Rojas should not be claiming to
be following John of the Cross, but rather, Juan Bretón in his Theologia mística
where "it teaches in detail this kind of prayer, and so is as worthy of being
withdrawn as that of this other author." (8) Rojas, in his defense of his book, as we
shall see shortly, freely calls on Juan Bretón as someone who is teaching the same
doctrine as John of the Cross, as well as himself. He mentions that "after the
Tribunal of Toledo had called him before it over this doctrine, and had discussed and
satisfied itself about all its doubts, they made him Calificador de la Suprema, and he
taught it in pulpits and confessionals, in the court and beyond it." (9) Perhaps
Rojas thought that he, too, deserved this kind of treatment after having been called
before the Inquisition.
The First Edition
In 1618 when John of the Cross works were finally published, the doctrine of
acquired contemplation and its attribution to St. John were well on their way to being
established. Johns writings appeared at the end of that year in Alcalá de Henares
under the editorship of Diego de Jesús Salablanca (1570-1621), and soon after in another
printing in Barcelona at the beginning of 1619. Diego had close links both with Quiroga,
whose summary of the life of John of the Cross appeared in this edition, and to Tomás de
Jesús whose secretary and student he had been, filling in for him on occasion in class.
For fear of John of the Cross being accused of the errors of the Alumbrados, this first
edition appeared with innumerable alterations in the text and left out the Spiritual
Canticle entirely. Evidently Salablanca had been working on St. Johns works for
some time, or they were already in an almost publishable form, for it took him only little
more than a year after being given the commission to publish on Sept. 21, 1617 before the
job was done. (10) Perhaps Salablanca, with the help of Quiroga, had begun work soon after
Alonso de Jesús had left the generalship in 1613. Later when Salablanca was reproached
for these alterations and omissions, he laid the blame at the doorstep of his superiors.
But is there any real evidence that Tomás and Quirogas doctrine on
acquired contemplation played a role in how the first edition appeared? No strong evidence
is visible. (12) Quiroga does, indeed, cite one of these altered passages in his Don
que tuvo, as we will see in a moment, and it certainly suits his purpose better to see
in it the doctrine of acquired contemplation. But there is no way to really link these
alterations to him, and they may, however suggestive they appear, be written off to the
general purpose of the editor, which was to avoid any accusations on the part of critics
that John of the Cross was recommending excessive passivity. Further, at this point in
time, Tomás de Jesús had long since departed from Spain, and there is no strong
connection, according to Padre Simeón, between the manuscript of St. Johns writings
he had annotated and how the first edition appeared.
Salablanca, himself, published with this edition some clarifications which he called Apuntamientos
y advertencias en tres discursos. He mentions that some people had made extracts of
St. Johns writings, distorting the original, leaving us to wonder whether he had
Juan Bretón in mind. He defends John against any accusation that he has neglected
meditation and discourse, mortification, and the acquiring of virtues, all of which, he
tells us, "puede tener nombre de aquisita," that is, could have the name
acquired. But Salablanca never takes advantage of this wonderful opportunity to say that
John is talking about an acquired contemplation. (13)
Later he has another chance to do so when he is commenting on the phrase "sin
obrar las potencias," or without the working of the faculties. But again he does not
take advantage of it. Instead, he tells us that the divine life and loving affect seems to
strike the substance of the soul rather than its powers. (14) And so here all is totally
infused without giving place to reflection. We work, but in a higher fashion, moved by God
by means of silence, or quietude. So the phrase of not working with the faculties means
"that the powers dont work when they are in this serene, calm, simple quietude
of infused contemplation." (15) With these kinds of remarks Diego shows a keen
appreciation of St. Johns doctrine of infused contemplation. When he comments on the
Ascent, Book II, Chapter 12, he says that in every state there is some operation of
the soul, at least "an advertence or loving knowledge in general of God, (una
advertencia o noticia amorosa en general de Dios.)" (16) For without it we would have
laziness rather than contemplation.
On the surface and in the context of his other remarks on infused contemplation, this
seems quite unobjectionable, but it could actually serve as a starting point for a
movement towards acquired contemplation because this chapter of the Ascent contains
the following passage about infused contemplation: "
the faculties are at rest
and are working, not actively, but passively by receiving what God acts in
" and in the first edition, it has been altered to read "
work not save in that simple and sweet loving attentiveness
" This is a critical
change, and if we could attribute it with any certainty to Salablanca rather than to
someone like Quiroga, his remarks would become more suspect. Yet earlier (17) he says
(with emphasis at least in the Gerardo version), "the soul does not have to work or
concur actively but passively." All in all, then, it would be
hard to accuse Salablanca of promoting an acquired contemplation.
The first edition finally appeared, armored with the approbations of scholars, the
explanations of Salablanca, the innumerable changes in the text, and the absence of the Spiritual
Canticle, and yet all of this did not prevent it from being denounced to the
Inquisition. On May 29, 1623 the Inquisitor of Sevilla, Alonso de Hoces, wrote to the
Inquisitor General in Madrid, sending him a book from which he claimed the Alumbrados of
Sevilla were taking their doctrine, together with some of his remarks about it. (18) The
book was none other than the writings of St. John, which he called The Dark Night.
The Inquisitor General turned to Agustín Antolínez (1554-1626), for an opinion. This
was certainly a choice that was to incline the final verdict in favor of the Carmelites.
Antolínez had had a close relationship with the Discalced sisters of Salamanca from whom
he received St. Johns Spiritual Canticle long before it was published and
which he commented on, as well as the Dark Night and the Flame and he, in
turn, recommended his fellow Augustinian, Basileo Ponce de León (1570-1629), a relative
of Luis de León, and the man who was to succeed him in his chair at Salamanca. Basilio
obviously took this task seriously and signed his Respuesta a las notas y objecciones
que se hicieron a algunas proposiciones del libro de fray Juan de la Cruz on July 11,
Basilios defense of the third proposition, which has to do with Johns three
signs, is particularly interesting. The inability to meditate had obviously bothered the
delator. Basilio responds: "I first lay down that which is not in the power of man,
neither does it fall within the scope of human industry, to reach so high a point of
contemplation and prayer of union as this." He insists that the words Luis de León
applied to the work of St. Teresa ought to be applied in this case, as well: "Of this
raising up or suspension of the soul it is said that it is supernatural: that is, that the
soul more properly suffers therein than works. And it is said that nobody must presume to
raise himself up, before he be raised up: for one reason, because this transcends all our
industry and thus would be in vain; for another, because it would show a lack of humility,
and the Holy Mother warns us of this with good reason because there are books of prayer
which counsel those who pray, to suspend thought and to allow nothing to figure in the
imagination, with the result that they remain cold and undevout." (20)
This stands in strong contrast with Quirogas sentiments expressed in his Apologia
mística that was written about the same time, and with his ideas in his Subida,
which he was finishing in November of that year. Basilio Ponce de Leóns response
had its desired effect, and no action was taken against the first edition, but the
struggle was not over. On Sept. 9, 1625 Rodrigo de Villavincencio and Dionisio Fernández
Portocarrero wrote to Madrid again about the danger to be found in the mystical writings
circulating in the vernacular in Sevilla. All sorts of people, they claim, from all
classes and levels of education are reading them, and yet dont necessarily
understand them, but this lack of understanding doesnt prevent them from teaching
others about them, which leads to spiritual confusion.
On May 4, 1626 the Dominican Domingo Farfán, who had been employed by the Inquisition
in Sevilla to help stamp out the errors of the Alumbrados also wrote to the Inquisitor
General about a book commonly called The Dark Night. Farfán told him that he had
the keys to the rooms of those accused of being Alumbrados, and when he examined their
papers, he always found this book which he hadnt known about before. And when he
studied it, he realized that the Alumbrados had either taken their doctrine from it, or
its author had taken it from them. (21) And he goes on to give a very interesting example
of the errors it contains: "The book teaches perfection by rules as an art is
taught and it teaches it in such a manner that what God is accustomed to communicate
by special favor and privilege to some souls, it does by ordinary rule and law for all. I
will give an example: it teaches in prayer the path that they call suspension, which is to
put oneself in the presence of God and be there without thinking about anything (sin
pensar en nada) and without meditating and without making particular acts with which it
could exercise itself in the love of God and the sorrow for sins
Why, Padre Domingo tells us, even the mystical doctors of the authors own Order,
like Gracián and Santa Teresa disagree with this, and given all these reasons, the book
ought to be condemned. But nothing happened because, unknown to Domingo, Basilio de Ponce
de Leóns defense had derailed these kinds of accusations. John is now made the
author of a contemplation we can all do, and condemned on the testimony of Gracián and
Teresa. Further, the leader of the Alumbrados in Sevilla was Juan de Villalpando who in
his youth had been a Discalced Carmelite, which makes him a likely candidate to spread
about Johns writings, and perhaps even the interpretation of them that Farfán
picked up. It would not have been impossible, as we have already seen, that a Discalced
Carmelite could have read Johns writings in the context of acquired contemplation,
which was already well on its way to be established. (23)
A postscript to turmoil in Sevilla can be found in the 1623 publication of a book by
our old friend Leandro de Granada called Resolución de la contemplación sobrenatural,
revelaciones, apariciones, éxtasis y arrobamientos para confundir la falsa doctrina de
los torpes y desvanecidos alumbrados... which turned out to be nothing more than his Luz
de las maravillas repackaged for a new market as a treatise against the Alumbrados.
Jorge de San José
Not all the Augustinians were as favorably disposed to John of the Cross as Agustín
Antolínez and Basilio Ponce de León. In 1615 a Spanish edition of Juan de Jesús
Marías (el Calagurritano) Escuela de la oración had appeared carrying an
approbation by Esteban de San José, then prior of Zaragoza. Four years later, on June 5,
1619, the Augustinian, Juan Márquez (1565?-1621) denounced it to the Inquisition. (25) He
was upset by Juan de Jesús Marías comments on how to deal with certain sensual
movements of the soul in the time of prayer, remarks that, when we read them today, seem
quite balanced, but for which Márquez wanted the book taken out of circulation. He
supported his case against it by citing, as if it belonged to Teresa of Avila, a Compendio
de los grados de oración, which turns out to be Tomás de Jesús Suma y
compendio of Teresas teaching. There is a certain irony here in the fact that
Márquez wanted to condemn Juan de Jesús Marías book by citing Tomás who
approved of Juan de Jesús Marías works. In any event, the censor chosen by the
Inquisition did not proceed, claiming that he could not find a copy of the book.
But Padre Juan was not forgotten by the Inquisition. When, a little later, the work of
Jorge de San José Serrano (1566-1636) of the Order of Mercy called El Solitario
contemplativo y guía espiritual which had appeared in Lisbon in 1616 was denounced to
the Inquisition, it chose Márquez one of the three censors to evaluate it. The two other
censors could not find anything wrong with the book, but Márquez denunciation of it
still carried the day, and it was withdrawn from circulation. While he was at it, he
didnt fail to aim some more negative comments at Juan de Jesús María.
Unfortunately, our knowledge of the Solitario contemplativo is derived from
Márquez censure, for the book, itself, has disappeared.
Jorge de San José was the author of another work: Vuelo del espiritu y escala de la
perfección y oración. This, too, is very difficult if not impossible to come by. He
was apparently a follower of John of the Cross and spoke of the need to leave discursive
prayer, and one of the censors, the Dominican Tomás de Daoiz, who had written an
approbation of the first edition of St. Johns writings, found El Solitario
contemplativo in accordance with St. Johns teachings as seen in his newly
published edition of his works. Padre Márquez seems unaware of John of the Cross, and
objects that the book teaches that after the soul has been exercised in meditation,
"God raises it to the state of the spirit which is an infused contemplation, which is
secret, obscure and dark to the senses, and in which has to cease all images and knowledge
of corporeal things." Jorge de San José also says that the soul which arrives at
contemplation, " has to leave off exercising a loving attentiveness (se ha de dejar
llevar con una advertencia amorosa)." (26) It sounds as if he is following John of
the Cross closely, and perhaps accurately, which makes us wish all the more that we would
have an opportunity to look at his two books, one of which, at least, was published before
the first edition, to see what he knew about John of the Cross.
This is the first of a series of denunciations and defenses we are going to be
confronted with, and they are often difficult to unravel, for on the one hand, there are
people like Márquez who seem to be objecting to the idea of contemplation, itself. They
can see no reason to leave the field of meditation. And on the other hand, there are those
who find in St. John a contemplation that everyone can do whenever they wish.
It is worth noting that Jorge de San José was a member of the Order of Mercy, and
there are any number of links between the Mercedarians, the Minims and the Carmelites.
Juan Bretón, who was a Minim and who borrowed heavily from John of the Cross, as we saw,
was in contact with members of the Order of Mercy. His companion in the Order, Gabriel
López Navarro, whom we will meet in a little while, also availed himself of St.
Johns writings and Quirogas, and a number of Carmelites who left the Order
found a home among the Mercedarians. (27)
Nicolás de Jesús María
Another edition of St. Johns writings appeared in 1630 and it, too, like the
first edition, had its detractors and defenders. In 1631 the Discalced Carmelite Nicolás
de Jesús María Centurión came to St. Johns aid with his Phrasium mysticae
theologiae V.P. Joannis a Cruce
elucidatio. It had been written by the end of
1627, perhaps in preparation for the new edition of St. Johns works. It collects an
impressive amount of authorities in order to vindicate St. John, but suffocates under the
weight of them. But what it does accomplish is to give us a glimpse of the kinds of
authorities closest to home that Centurión turned to. They included St. Teresa and
Gracián, Diego de Jesús Salablancas defense of John that had appeared in the first
edition, and Juan de Jesús Marías School of Prayer and Mystical Theology,
and the defense of Basilio de Ponce de León. Centurión also quotes Tomás de
Jesús De contemplatione divina, as well as no. 4 and 20 of Tomás Mystical
Theology. Last but not least, Centurión turns to Alvarados Arte de bien
vivir, including the place where the Tratado breve is inserted. But Quiroga is
notable by his absence. Perhaps it is too soon after the appearance of his Historia de
la Vida of John of the Cross and his subsequent disgrace for him to be rehabilitated.
Permission to publish Centurións work was first given on Sept. 22, 1630, and it
was probably meant to replace the Apuntamientos of Salablanca. (28) The idea of
acquired contemplation that cannot be found in Salablancas defense is now going to
blossom in Centurións. His work went on to lead an interesting history. It was
translated from its original Latin into French by Cyprien de la Nativité who was the
first Discalced translator of Johns works in France, not to mention the editor of
Antonio Rojas in that country, and the great Bossuet was later to call Centurión one of
the most erudite interpreters of John of the Cross. This was high praise, but as we shall
see, scarcely warranted. This French version was to surface again in 1911 in the first
issues of the newly founded Carmelite review, Études Carmélitaines, with the
express purpose of defending the idea of acquired contemplation.
When we look at Centurións defense of St. Johns signs for the transition
from meditation to contemplation, we can see why Bossuets praise was excessive. He
cites Johns first sign of The Ascent of Mt. Carmel rather than the three
signs together, and divides it into three different propositions to defend: first, if the
soul wishes to arrive at the summit of contemplation it ought to deprive its understanding
of imaginary forms; secondly, it ought to suspend discursive acts which are made in
meditation; and finally, the sign that one ought to go up to this sublime contemplation is
the inability of the imagination and the distaste for discursive acts in place of the
devotion that one found there before. Once any discussion of the signs is severed from the
actual presence of infused contemplation, which is the most important sign, itself, then
the door is open for an acquired contemplation. So Centurión continues: "There are
two sorts of knowledge and of supernatural contemplation; the one human, which, although
it is done with the aid of grace, is nevertheless proportioned to our natural manner of
operating by means of the discourse that precedes it, and the imagination which cooperates
with it; the other, above human effort, in which the spirit, aided by a special grace
corresponding to the gift of knowledge, is elevated and contemplates without the ordinary
Centurión in his initial propositions, and even in this passage, has hinted at a
particular view of our human faculties which we have seen over and over again and which he
now begins to develop. The legitimate distinctions that can be made between imagination
and the working of reasoning, or between reasoning and intuition, now are elevated into
separations. "Let us note," Centurión writes, "that one is able to find in
these two sorts of contemplation the absence of imaginary forms and of discursive
meditation, although diversely." (30) He goes on to distinguish the kind of cessation
of the natural faculties found in the contemplation that is above our ability from that
which is found in the contemplation that we can do. In the latter we need this human
working, but then he gives this traditional assertion a new meaning because although this
acquired contemplation supposes the use of reason, discourse "nonetheless ceases when
one has arrived at contemplation. In its place succeeds a simple regard of the eternal
truths and a tranquil operation." (31) It is only by this kind of procedure that
Centurión can legitimize a contemplation we can do by making it both distinct from
meditation and from infused contemplation.
Centurión continues his exposition by considering the three divisions he made of the
first sign. He finds a double sense in which we should understand how to leave aside all
imaginary forms. One sense applies to infused contemplation, and the other to this
contemplation we can do. In the contemplation we can do we leave aside the working of the
imagination in the actual act of contemplation, and while the imagination will continue to
work, we center our attention on an obscure and confused knowledge of God.
When it comes to the second division of the sign he again finds two senses: one
applicable to infused contemplation, and the other to acquired. In the acquired
contemplation we have made use of reason, but then we lay it aside and go on to dwell in
this simple and uniform regard of the eternal truths.
When Centurión is discussing the third part of the sign, he expands his initial
treatment and speaks not only of the inability to use the imagination and discourse and
the distaste for something that we had enjoyed before, but goes on to add to this sign
" the desire the soul has for a simple and peaceful attention to God united to divine
love." (32) In support of his interpretation he quotes The Institutions,
Chapter 35, ascribed to John Tauler. But once again we have to assume that he understands
this sign in two distinct senses, one of which applies to infused contemplation, and to
the other to that contemplation that we can do ourselves. St. Johns original
doctrine of contemplation has been split in half and already at this early date Centurión
can point to the tradition within the Order that supports his interpretation.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. I, p. xlviii.
- Enrique Llamas, "La "Editio princeps"..."
- Ibid., p. 529.
- Ibid., p. 531, note 38.
- Ibid., p. 531.
- Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. III, p. 117.
- Melquiades Andrés Martín, Los Recogidos, p. 656.
- Eulogio Pacho, "San Juan de la Cruz y Juan de Santo Tomás..." p. 358.
- Ibid., p. 378.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. I, p. xlviii.
See also in Peers The Complete Works of St. John of the Cross, the
Introduction to The Ascent of Mt. Carmel by Silverio de Santa Teresa.
- Louis Cognet, La Spiritualité Moderne, p. 178.
- See my St. John of the Cross and Dr. C.G. Jung, pp. 86-89.
- Gerardo de San Juan de la Cruz, Obras de San Juan de la Cruz, Vol. III, p. 467.
- Ibid., p. 469.
- Ibid., p. 477.
- Ibid., p. 482.
- Ibid., p. 478.
- Álvaro Huerga, Historia de los Alumbrados, Vol. IV.
- There is some uncertainty about this date. Cf. Eulogio Pacho, El Cántico Espiritual,
p. 48, note 22.
- It was first published by Silverio de Santa Teresa in his edition of John of the Cross,
and there is an English translation in Peers The Complete Works of St. John of
the Cross, Vol. III.
- Álvaro Huerga, Historia de los Alumbrados, Vol. IV, p. 497.
- Ibid., pp. 497-498.
- Ibid., p. 421.
- Ibid., p. 344. Peers found a reference to another book by Leandro called Mystica
- Eulogio Pacho, "Juan de Jesús María..."
- Ibid., p. 203. Peers apparently found a 1632 edition of Jorge de San Josés Vuelo
published in Sevilla in the library of the University of Barcelona, but he didn't think
highly of it. See Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. III, p. 245.
- BNM ms. 2201 is a copy of the writings of John of the Cross that belong to the Order of
- Eulogio Pacho, El Cántico Espiritual, p. 80.
- Nicolás Centurión, Eclairissements..., p. 132.
- Ibid., p. 133.
- Ibid., p. 134.
- Ibid., p. 162.
ANTONIO ROJAS AND JUAN FALCONI
In the years preceding the second edition of St. Johns writings in 1630 the idea
of acquired contemplation was expounded outside of the Carmelites and presented in a more
and more simplified and one-sided manner.
It was Eulogio Pacho, once again searching through the files of the Inquisition at the
National Historical Archives in Madrid, who uncovered and brought fully to light the story
of Rojas book and its condemnation. (1) Antonio Rojas was a secular priest and the
author of the Vida del espíritu, or Libro intitulado Vida del espiritu para
saber, tener oración y union con Dios y provecho de las almas, which appeared in
Madrid in 1628, and then again in 1629 and 1630. This is a very simple book that wanted
nothing more than to view the interior life from the perspective of the practice of
acquired contemplation. After the 1629 edition appeared it was denounced not once, but
twice. The book and the first denunciation were given by the Supreme Council of the
Inquisition to Gabriel López Navarro, a Minim father and rigorous censor of the
Inquisition who found it wanting. The judgment of a second censor is missing from this
incomplete file, but López Navarros opinion carried the day.
Around the same time another denunciation of the book was underway, this time by the
Carmelite Agustín de San José, whom we saw denouncing Bretóns book. It arrived at
the Inquisition of Granada on March 22, 1630. Agustín de San José had been professed in
February 1611 in Sevilla, and was renowned as a preacher, and in at least one case he was
called to consult with the Holy Office on a difficult matter of spirituality, which had
perplexed it for several months, and which, we are told, he resolved in 24 hours with an
answer that covered but two sheets of paper. (2)
His complaints in this case are particularly interesting because they center on how
Rojas makes use of John of the Cross. Rojas, he says, is teaching an "acquired
contemplation, an interior recollection" to everyone indiscriminately without paying
heed to the other exercises of the spiritual life, like the exercise of the virtues and
meditation on sins, or the practice of mortification. He is oversimplifying the spiritual
life and creating something that is like "a staircase without steps, a goal without
the journey, and an end without the means." And Agustín de San José is not done.
John of the Cross is being maligned in this book because he teaches that the meditation on
the sacred passion and penance and mortification are lifelong obligations, and he gives by
his three signs the indications of when it can be known that God is raising the soul
"from meditation to infused contemplation." (3) This is the critical point.
Rojas is teaching acquired contemplation while John of the Cross is teaching an infused
one. So Agustín de San José concludes that if the three signs are not present we ought
to exercise ourselves in meditation because it is a sign that "God does not want to
communicate contemplation which, as it is not necessary for salvation, God does not give
contemplation to all who exercise themselves in prayer
" This confusion, to his
mind, can deceive the less cautious and cause them damage, as he has seen in the
confessional. Further, it is not the doctrine of John of the Cross, but of Juan Bretón.
Padre Agustín has put his finger on the real issue.
When Agustíns denunciation reached the two Dominicans who were censors, they
confessed that they did not have a copy of the book, but nonetheless it ought to "be
consumed and blotted out from the memory of mankind." Two Jesuit censors, however,
actually read the book, and found nothing wrong with it, and with the split vote the
Inquisition of Granada sent the matter to the Supreme Council of the Inquisition in
Madrid, not aware that it already had the matter in hand. The complaint from Granada was
tabled, but the story in Madrid was not over.
Toward the end of 1631 Rojas mounted his own defense. His Vida del espíritu had
drawn heavily on John of the Cross both from the first edition and from manuscripts. He
cites John with and without attribution, and summarizes him without citing him. He also
copied some of St. Johns poems and maxims. Therefore, with good reason, when he
writes his defense he will say that the Vida del espíritu is really "a
compendium and quintessence of what the venerable P. Fr. Juan de la Cruz wrote in the Dark
Night." (meaning the Ascent and the Dark Night.) And he calls to
his support many classical and modern spiritual writers: for example, Fernando Caldera and
his Mística theologia y dirección de espíritus, Madrid, 1623; Juan Bretón,
Pelayo de San Benito and his Suma de oración, Burgos, 1626 who was a
follower of Bretón; Juan de Torres and his Sostento del ánima, Madrid, 1625;
Mateo Villarroel, Gregory López, etc. Villarroel was the teacher and a close associate of
Juan Falconi. And among this crowd of spiritual writers cited by Rojas there are some even
more familiar faces, as well: Antonio Alvarado and his Arte de bien vivir which, of
course, contains the Tratado breve; Quiroga in his life of John of the Cross, and
Juan de Jesús María whom he calls Gracián. It was probably el Calagurritano. (4)
What is important to note is that Rojas is right in saying that he is just following
those who blazed the trail before him and, indeed, he has abundant material to choose
from, some of which, like Alvarados Tratado breve, is explaining John of the
Cross in terms of acquired contemplation, just as Rojas is doing. His intent seemed to be
to write a little devotional manual for those interested in the practice of the
contemplative life. The French edition of 1646, for example, is a small pocketbook
complete with a ribbon to mark the page. The Lisbon edition of 1645 measures 2¾ inches,
by 3 ¾ inches by 1 inch. (5) But it is a book of acquired contemplation, which is a topic
that has now taken on a life of its own and appears to all the world as rooted in many and
weighty spiritual authors. The heading of Chapter 19 in the French edition of Rojas
book is going to tell us how supernatural acquired contemplation is within the power of
all, while Chapter 13, which is on the difference between meditation and contemplation,
will say: "And so when you regard God by faith and leave aside discourse, and believe
you have Him within you, believing He is in all things, although you do not see Him, and
making that act you keep silent, and in repose, this is called contemplation." (6)
Rojas will also talk in his defense about leaving discourse for a "simple intuition
of the truth," which reminds us of the first chapter of the Tratado breve and
Quirogas pure intuition akin to the angels.
Rojas defense was to be of no avail, but these complicated proceedings were going
to call forth an enduring contribution to clarifying the history of acquired
contemplation. Padre Pacho discovered in the case file a final judgment of condemnation on
Rojas book signed by Martín de Albiz, and Juan de Santo Tomás, who appeared to
have written the document, and this Juan de Santo Tomás turned out to be none other than
the great Dominican philosopher and theologian, Juan Poinsot (1589-1644), who was one of
the greatest Thomists of his age, and whose treatise on the gifts of the Holy Spirit shows
the hand of a superb theologian of mysticism.
Juan de Santo Tomás is not impressed by Rojas accumulation of authorities. To
his mind, they arent saying the same thing as the author although some of
them, of course, were and he goes on to put his finger on the key issue. Rojas
claims that after someone makes an act of faith he or she ought to leave aside "all
the discourses, images, phantasms, of all created things, keeping the understanding
without discourse or thought, without knowing, like a dead person in God." But this,
according to Juan de Santo Tomás, is against "well-grounded theology which, in this
matter teaches us that our manner of contemplating in this life is not able to disengage
itself totally from sensible forms and phantasms upon which our natural mode of knowing
This is a very important and telling point. This separation of intuition from reason
that we have been seeing is not good philosophy. It is a valid distinction driven into a
separation by a desire to create a kind of contemplation between meditation and infused
contemplation. And however much its creators try to bolster their arguments by appealing
to Thomas Aquinas, this is not what he taught. Juan de Santo Tomás admits that discourse
stops as it gives birth to intuition: "but to understand or to make an act of
understanding without discourse, without sensible forms or phantasms or imagination is
impossible unless the soul would understand like an angel or out of the body, which is not
a natural way of understanding in this life." (7) It may happen that God might give
some kind of divine illumination without discourse, but "that is not in our hands,
nor does it depend on our exercises, nor can it be proposed as the way for ordinary and
common contemplation, which this book speaks of." (8) In short, Rojas has taken an
idea that better fits in the world of infused contemplation and has applied it to his
acquired contemplation which, in fact, is a part of meditation in the wide sense of the
term, and so needs some kind of discourse and exercise of the faculties in order to exist.
With its condemnation in Spain, the Vida del espíritu didnt simply
disappear, but went on to new printings with a Spanish edition in Lisbon in 1645, and a
French edition in 1646. Rojas may have been the author of a book called Espejo de
perfección which appeared in 1604 and was reprinted in 1619. This would make
interesting reading for the light it might shed on the development of Rojas ideas
and how he came to the idea of acquired contemplation, but no one has been able to locate
a copy of it, although some bibliographies describe one as belonging to one of the
universities of Madrid.
Augustine Baker (1575-1641) was an English Benedictine who had converted to Catholicism
in 1603 and entered the Order in Padua two years later. His story, while interesting in
itself, would take us too far afield from our preoccupation with events in Spain, so we
will confine ourselves to the fact that he made use of Rojas Vida del espíritu. (9)
In 1624 he joined the Benedictines in Douai, and soon became a spiritual
director to the young community of Benedictine nuns at Cambrai where he remained for nine
years. It was here that he must have known Rojas book through one of its earlier
Spanish editions. And it is here, too, that Baker wrote many of his spiritual treatises.
This kind of contact with Spanish mystical literature was common at that time in France
and the Low Countries, and Baker also had some acquaintance with the writings of St.
Teresa and John of the Cross. The Prior at his house at Douai, Rudesind Barlow, for
example, had gone to Spain in 1605 to study at Salamanca, and he is listed in the records
of the Order as a graduate of Irache. (10) If this is true, Barlow might even have come
into contact with the work of our old friend, Antonio Alvarado whose Arte de vivir bien
had been published in Irache in 1608, and who later became the Benedictine Abbot of
the Royal monastery and university there. Thus, it is not surprising to find Baker reading
Rojas book, or that he knew the biography of Gregorio López, whom we will meet in a
Baker places a strong emphasis on the states of prayer that fall between meditation,
taken in a formal discursive sense, and infused contemplation. In fact, he could even be
said to have misunderstood both meditation and infused contemplation, and made the summit
of the spiritual life a perfect active contemplation. For him Rojas type of prayer
"may be described as a prayer of interior silence, quietness and repose. There is no
meditation, nor even expressed direct act of the will. It is a virtual, habitual loving
attention to God rather than a formal direct tending to Him." (12)
His fellow Benedictine, Serenus Cressy, compiled some forty spiritual treatises of
Baker into Holy Wisdom which first appeared in 1657 and contained a section on
Rojas. While this compilation makes it harder for us to see clearly what Baker actually
said, it did go on to influence the English-speaking world of contemplative prayer to our
day. A new edition of Holy Wisdom appeared in 1876 perhaps an indication
that mystical studies had begun to revive and occasioned by that edition Bishop
Hedley, a noted English theologian, wrote an anonymous article in the Dublin Review
of October 1876 claiming that Bakers use of Rojas was sound. (13) Cuthbert Butler, a
defender of the idea of acquired contemplation whom we will meet later, is said to have
read Baker at least once a year for fifty years, and he drew nourishment from Bishop
Hedleys article for his own views on acquired contemplation. Closer to our own day,
the reading of Holy Wisdom played a role in the Benedictine John Mains
development of the Christian Meditation Movement. (14)
While Rojas Vida del espíritu was appearing in Madrid, Juan Falconi, a
young priest of the Order of Mercy, was in the midst of an extensive ministry of spiritual
direction in that city. Years later, after his death, Dona Aldonza de Castilla, a witness
in the process for Falconis beatification, described his ministry this way: "He
would set souls upon the road to perfection, giving them instructions for the practice of
mental prayer. And when he recognized that Our Lord God desired to raise them from
meditation to contemplation of the Divine mysteries, he had the greatest skill and
facility in dealing with them, although his continual exhortation in the matter of prayer
was that all should place themselves, in faith, in the presence of God." (15)
Naturally this only whets our appetite to know more about his doctrine on
contemplation. In his Carta a hija espiritual or Letter to a Spiritual Daughter
that he wrote on July 23, 1628 he advises her to put herself in the presence of God and
make an act of faith and resignation: "This done, do thou, like a person who no
longer possesses anything, remain in repose and quiet silence, thinking of set purpose
upon naught whatsoever, not even though it be good and sublime, save that thou hast this
pure faith in God and art resigned to His Divine will." (16)
By now we are quite familiar with this kind of contemplation by faith, which is
supposedly separate from discursive activity. But Falconi raises it to new heights:
"I would that every day, every week, every year, and all thy life long thou shouldst
make this continuous act of contemplation in faith and in love in a manner as pure and as
spiritual as possible
and that, having once surrendered and resigned thyself to the
thy hours of prayer should not be filled with fresh acts, but should
merely continue that first act of faith and love already made." (17) And Falconi
holds up the example of Gregory López, a lay contemplative, who lived a singular mystical
life in Mexico as an example of someone who, after attaining this "continuous act of
faith and loving resignation" never had need even for "brief ejaculatory prayer
or anything else that had to do with the senses." (18)
This letter must have circulated among those interested in the contemplative life
because it came to the attention of a Discalced Carmelite friar probably the very
Agustín de San José we saw denouncing Rojas who complained to Falconi about it.
Wasnt Falconi teaching people to be idle in prayer? And even if he were describing a
legitimate kind of contemplation, wasnt he teaching it to everyone indiscriminately?
Falconi answers him in another letter, Carta a un religioso, which exists only in a
later Italian translation, and which may not be completely accurate. Number 26 in
Falconis Carta a un religioso mentions the contradictors who Quiroga speaks
of in his life of John of the Cross. They might have been the same people who complained
about Falconi. Indeed, we are told they preached against him in Madrid without mentioning
his name. (19)
In this letter Falconi responds that he instructs all beginners to meditate first,
then, after they have acquired what is necessary for meditation, they are ready to pass,
little by little, to contemplation, as José de Jesús María (Quiroga) taught in his life
of John of the Cross. (20) Then Falconi goes on to cite John of the Cross, himself, on the
transition from meditation to contemplation. "In order to know when this disposition
is in the soul the venerable Father John of the Cross says that it is when the soul
doesnt find in itself savor in meditation, but rather aridity, and that it applies
itself to remain in a general knowledge of living faith of the presence of God."
in vna notitia general di fede viua della presenza di Dio) that time being, he
says, the time of the beginning of contemplation: so he writes in the Ascent of Mt.
Carmel, Book II, Chapter 13." (21)
But we have to notice how Falconi has altered St. Johns thought. We are no longer
dealing with a noticia amorosa general, or infused contemplation, itself, but rather a
notitia generale di fede viua, a general knowledge of lively faith. This Falconi makes
clear as he continues, and ascribes to St. John his ideas about how these people should
act at this time. They should place themselves in the presence of God, believing Him
present, with a general knowledge or lively faith and resigning themselves into His hands.
Now this, obviously, has nothing to do with infused contemplation. And if these people
begin to suffer aridity and temptations, Falconi continues, thinking that they are doing
nothing, they ought to continue in their faith and resignation without discourse or
meditation "for this is contemplation, that is, a simple and pure view of the
A little later he complains that some masters without experience think that this kind
of praying is to do nothing, but they are deceived because these people may not be
discoursing with the intellect but they are believing in God with lively faith, and he
cites in his support John of the Cross Dark Night, Book I, Chapter 10, but in
a strangely truncated form. Falconi paraphrases St. John here by saying, "It is not
important that they exercise discursive meditation, although it appears that they are not
doing anything and losing time and that through their laziness they dont have the
desire to think now of anything; it will be enough that they have patience and
perseverance, leaving the soul free, unburdened and at rest from all knowledge and
thought, not being solicitous about thinking or meditating." (23)
The actual text reads: "The attitude necessary in the night of sense is to pay no
attention to discursive meditation, since this is not the time for it. They should allow
the soul to remain in rest and quietude, even though it may seem very obvious to them that
they are doing nothing and wasting time, and even though they think this disinclination to
think about anything is due to their laxity. Through patience and perseverance in prayer,
they will be doing a great deal without activity on their part. All that is required of
them here is freedom of soul, that they liberate themselves from the impediment and
fatigue of ideas and thoughts and care not about thinking and meditating." (24)
This is where Falconi stops. Let us notice that he leaves out any mention of the soul
remaining in rest and quietude, and even more revealing is that he stops just before this
striking passage: "They must be content simply with a loving and peaceful
attentiveness to God, and live without the concern, without the effort, and without the
desire to taste or feel Him. All these desires disquiet the soul and distract it from the
peaceful quiet and sweet idleness of the contemplation which is being communicated to
it." Immediately after this passage Falconi takes up St. John's text again and stays
fairly close to it. Then he goes on and says that St. John is saying this same thing in
all the other chapters of the Dark Night, namely, when souls have arrived at
contemplation they have to keep themselves in this general loving knowledge of lively
faith, although secret and obscure, which appears to be idleness. (25)
It is important that we are very clear about what Falconi is doing. In place of infused
contemplation he places an active exercise of faith in Gods presence, and once he
makes this enormous change, all the rest of his doctrine on contemplation falls into
place. So he goes on and asserts that everyone who has been exercised in meditation ought
to go on to contemplation because contemplation, for him, is a simple view of lively faith
that has nothing to do with meditation or reflection, and so if we exercise faith we are
in contemplation. It also follows clearly that this practice of the presence of God,
"averting with faith that He is present, is something common for all even if they are
The objection that people who pray in this fashion are idle is dismissed by Falconi,
for just as when we have our eyes open, we have to see something, any adult must
understand something with the intellect. So if we put ourselves before God and empty our
minds of all creatures and try to be in His presence, then since the mind is empty of
creatures it has to be in some way filled with God, since it is not possible to have a
vacuum. It is clear here that Falconi is again taking up a thought found in John of the
Cross in the Chapter 15 of the Ascent of Mt. Carmel. But while St. John is talking
about the contemplative experience filling the soul, Falconi has confused this experience
with his practice of faith as if the elimination of all discursive activity really means
that faith is left when, in fact, there is a good possibility that nothing is left at all.
For Falconi, if we put ourselves in the presence of God by faith and have the intent to
love Him, this intent will endure until we revoke it, and therefore it would be wrong for
anyone to say that we are being idle. It is also equally wrong, according to Falconi, to
imagine that this kind of contemplation is not for everyone. He writes that this is the
opinion of Padre Fray Juan de la Cruz who teaches that all the souls, having passed the
stage of beginners in meditation, have to pass right away to this prayer of pure faith and
contemplation. (27) There is very little give in Falconi. He is convinced not only about
the nature of this contemplation, but how universally everyone is called to it. "In
short, I say, that either this prayer and road is good and true, or it is not; if it is
not, it should not be taught to anyone; but if it is, why not teach it to everyone?"
The dangers in Falconis teaching should now be evident. He misunderstands the
nature of contemplation and compounds his error by applying ideas about passivity that
strictly belong only to infused contemplation to his practice of faith. We can put
ourselves in the presence of God by making acts of faith, but this is an active form of
praying, and part of what St. John would call meditation. But Falconi separates it from
discourse and meditation, so he not only misunderstands infused contemplation, but makes
it more difficult for people to go ahead and actively pray. He is attempting to find a
third alternative between actively exercising the faculties and passively receiving with
these faculties, and according to John of the Cross, there is none.
This is the doctrine that Falconi, according to his own admission, taught to "many
in Madrid." (29) The doctrine of these two letters was expanded in his Camino
derecho para el cielo. And again he draws on John of the Cross on the transition from
meditation to contemplation: "And so I repeat this rule, that from the day when thou
canst no longer meditate or reason, but canst remain in the presence of Christ our
Redeemer, though thou be besieged by thoughts and oppressed by dryness from
that day continue thy prayer after this manner; for thy very perseverance in faith,
through dryness, is the sign that God has given thee a gift for contemplation, and desires
to lead thee out of meditation, since thou art ready to go." (30)
In his Camino derecho Falconi mentions Quirogas recently republished life
of John of the Cross which had been issued in 1632. So the date for the Camino can
be put somewhere around 1632-1633. (31) And what is the advice that Falconi derives from
Quiroga, and through Quiroga, he believes, from John of the Cross? If someone has
difficulty in remaining without discourse in this simple knowledge of faith, they have to
struggle "to persevere in that pure faith without meditating or discoursing."
Under the heading of "how easy is contemplation" he writes,
"Contemplation consists in nothing more than making an act of faith, and any
Christian will be able to remain for an hour making an act of faith
meditating on aught." (33) In another place he says, "For the soul to be in true
prayer all the time
there is no need for it to be all the time attentive to God nor
to be thinking upon Him." (34)
For Falconi this is an active contemplation, not an infused one, and it works no longer
by repeated acts, but by simple apprehension. And from this contemplation, which contains
something of the senses, "...one may rise to another, which is purer, and which can
hardly be said to be felt or experienced at all." (35) This, too, is an echo of John
of the Cross, but it again misunderstands what St. John is saying about infused
contemplation and applies it to acquired contemplation. E. Allison Peers, who devoted
considerable energy to Falconis story and doctrine and whom I have been following
here, and who can hardly be said to be a foe of acquired contemplation, finds
Falconis works to have deviated from the path of true mysticism. (36) "It is
this contemplation, which he substitutes for the whole extent of mystic experience higher
than meditation, for all St. Teresas inner mansions and the higher slopes of St.
John of the Cross Mt. Carmel, and apparently it gives him perfect and complete
It is interesting to note, however, that Elías Gómez, a modern member of
Falconis Order of Mercy, and a leading expert on Falconis work, could find
nothing wrong in Falconis writings, and could not understand how Peers could come to
such an opinion. (38) Gómez, in defending Falconi, makes use of an interesting
distinction between direct knowledge and reflective knowledge when a person prays. This
reflective knowledge, according to Gómez, is not necessary for prayer and, indeed, breaks
the thread of prayer, and he supports this point of view by citing Jacques and Raissa
Maritain to the effect that it is necessary to flee from the reflexive spirit and take
into account what St. Anthony, the desert father, meant when he said there is no perfect
prayer if the person praying is aware of praying. This is an issue that we will come back
to when we look at the work of Jacques and Raissa Maritain.
Falconis letters and his Camino derecho were to have repercussions that
their author could not have foreseen. Falconi died in 1638, and his Carta a hija
espiritual saw one edition in Spanish, which appeared in Madrid in 1657, but it fell
afoul of the Inquisition and was withdrawn. But it had a more extensive life abroad. It
was printed in Italian in a translation by Nicholas Balducci in 1667. Balducci was a
member of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri and a friend of his fellow Oratorian, Cardinal
Pietro Petrucci. Balducci also translated Falconis Carta a un religioso,
which appeared in 1674. The Camino derecho is known now by a single manuscript BNM
ms. 7038. It wasnt published until 1783 in Madrid, and then finally in a modern
edition by Elías Gómez in 1960. But it may have led a subterranean life as a manuscript.
After Falconis death, it might have been kept as a relic and did not surface again
until the 1660s when it was examined, probably in preparation for being printed, by the
Franciscans and Carmelites of Salamanca. The Carmelites who reviewed it were Antonio de
Santa María, Andrés de la Madre de Dios, Alonso de la Madre de Dios, and Nicolas de
Jesús María, who appears to be Nicolás de Jesús María Centurión whom we have met
before penning his defense for the second edition of St. Johns writings. (39)
Just as Falconis two letters had made their way to Rome, - his Letter to a
Religious in manuscript because it had never been published in Spain - so did in some
fashion a manuscript of the Camino derecho, and it ended up in the hands of Miguel
Where did Falconi get his doctrine? Gómez points to two proximate sources: Melchor
Rodríguez de Torres in his Agricultura del alma, published in Burgos in 1603, and
Mateo de Villarroel who wrote Reglas muy importantes para en exercicio de la frecuente
oración, published in Madrid in 1630 with an approbation of Falconi but written
earlier, and made use of by Rojas in his defense, as we saw. (40) Falconi also knew,
beyond John and Teresa and Quiroga, Gracián and the Carmelites of the regular observance,
Miguel de la Fuente and Juan Sanz.
Francisco Pizaño de León
Francisco Pizaño de León belonged to the Order of Mercy and was one of the chief
disciples of Juan Falconi. He was also the author of a book published in Madrid in 1649
called Compendium totius mysticae theologiae ex doctrina sanctorum patrum ex parte
concinnatum. Two years later its author was dead, and the book was not to be found.
Pizaño expounded on the acquired contemplation of his master Falconi, and goes on to
treat infused contemplation, as well. He calls acquired contemplation a "noticia
intuitiva dei ac divinorum affectuosa, humano labore et industria comparata," that
is, an intuitive and affective notice of God in divine things acquired by human labor and
industry. (42) This definition is quite close to Tomás own definition of acquired
contemplation, which is "suma deitatis adque effectum ejus affectuosa et sincere
cognitio nostra industria comparata." (43) Elsewhere Pizaño describes two kinds of
contemplation, one which proceeds by the way of oars, or our proper industry, and the
other, which is infused, which makes use of oars and sails. (44) This, too, echoes Tomás.
Are we now so sensitized to the influence of Tomás de Jesús that our imaginations are
overheating and we are seeing his influence everywhere? We have already seen some links
that connect the Carmelites and the Mercederians, so it is not surprising that Pizaño,
himself, was in close relationship with the Carmelites. But there is much more solid
evidence than that to show the influence of Tomás de Jesús on Pizaños work. Both
José del Espíritu Santo of Portugal in his Cadena mística and his counterpart,
José del Espíritu Santo, el Andaluz, in his famous Cursus theologiae
mistico-scholasticae mention but dont name someone who borrowed from
Tomás De contemplatione divina. In 1931 Anastasio a S. Paulo, in a new
edition of the Cursus, finally tells us the culprit was Pizaño. (46)
But did Pizaño simply borrow from the printed edition of De contemplatione divina?
Perhaps. But it would be interesting to compare his book with the published texts of
Tomás and see if all his borrowings, both about infused and acquired contemplation,
can be accounted for in this way. Perhaps he knew something of Tomás in manuscript, and
it is even a remote possibility that he could be working from something like the lost
second part of Tomás El Camino espiritual.
Juan de Lazcano
Juan Arintero, the Spanish Dominican scholar who was credited with helping to lead the
revival of mystical studies in Spain at the beginning of the 20th century, felt
that his fellow Dominican, Juan de Lazcano, was one of the first to speak out against the
new type of contemplative prayer in his 1628 Oración y meditación dedicated to
St. Teresa. (47) Each day many books on prayer are being written, Padre Lazcano tells us,
but they forget the traditional ways. Some instruct people to suspend discourse, and
others that it is only with acts of faith that they should love God without discourse and
the consideration of creatures. St. Thomas, however, teaches us that to work without
discourse is proper to the gifts of the Holy Spirit. People end up thinking that they can
erroneously suspend discursive activity, and that prayer without discourse is a very great
thing, and they have a prayer of union, or quietude. It appears that Padre Lazcano would
have found good company with Agustín de San José and Juan de Santo Tomás in objecting
to the works of Rojas and Falconi.
- Eulogio Pacho, "San Juan de la Cruz y Juan de Santo Tomás..." See also Elías
Gómez, Fr. Juan Falconi... p. 301.
- HCD, X, p. 589ff.
- Eulogio Pacho, "San Juan de la Cruz y Juan de Santo Tomás..." p. 359.
- Ibid., p. 379.
- A copy is in the Hispanic Society in New York. The Hispanic Society has a small
collection of Carmelite manuscripts: a Miscellánea of the Discalced Sisters of
Avila which includes St. Johns poem, Entréme dónde no supe, and a
thirty-nine verse copy of the Spiritual Canticle without attribution; a Formulario
monástico of Manuel de Santa María del Carmen; a compilation of spiritual quotations
by Pedro Maldonado including a section of Graciáns Anastasio, and poems by
Juan de Jesús María with the dates given as 1560-1632; These dates dont fit any of
the three Juan de Jesús Marías we have met: Aravalles, 1549-1609, el Calagurritano,
1564-1615, or Robles, 1566-1644; a Persecución injusta que los PP. Carmelitas hicieron
al P. Gracián.
- Chapter XIII, p. 102.
- Eulogio Pacho, "San Juan de la Cruz y Juan de Santo Tomás..." p. 383.
- Ibid., p. 385.
- See my St. John of the Cross and Dr. C.G. Jung, pp. 96-98, and the extensive
studies of Knowles, Gaffney, Low, and especially McCann.
- Justin McCann. Memorias, p. 214.
- Ibid., p. 127.
- Augustine Baker, Holy Wisdom, p. 358.
- Ibid., p. 357, note.
- Paul Harris, John Main..., p. 69.
- E.A. Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. II, p. 275.
- Ibid., p. 281.
- Ibid., p. 282.
- Ibid., p. 283.
- Elías Gómez, Dos Cartas..., p. 107.
- Juan Falconi cites Quirogas Historia de la vida twice in his Camino
derecho, and twice in his Carta a un religioso. In the latter these citations
serve him well because he is trying to refute the objections of the Discalced Carmelite
Agustín de San José, and what better way to do it than to cite another Carmelite, not to
mention John of the Cross, himself. In No. 2 of this letter he cites no. 67 in
Quirogas table of places (Dos Cartas, p. 81) in which Quiroga tries to make a
case about the relatively small amount of time that it is necessary for someone to become
prepared for contemplation. (Historia de la vida, p. 582). Quiroga touches on some
of the same themes in this life of St. John that we saw in some of his other writings, and
so Falconi and Rojas could be assured by it that they were following Carmelite doctrine,
and even the doctrine of John of the Cross, himself. (Cf. Historia de la vida, p.
- Elías Gómez, Dos Cartas..., p. 82.
- Ibid., p. 83.
- Dark Night, 1, 10, 4. K. p. 317.
- Elías Gómez, Dos Cartas..., p. 84.
- Ibid., p. 88.
- Ibid., p. 99.
- Ibid., p. 104.
- E.A. Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. II, p. 286.
- Ibid., p. 291.
- Juan Falconi, Camino Derecho..., p. 87, note 1.
- Ibid., p. 88.
- E.A. Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. II, p. 292.
- Ibid., p. 296.
- Ibid., p. 301.
- Ibid., p. 284.
- Ibid., p. 286.
- Elías Gómez, Dos Cartas..., p. 29.
- Juan Falconi, Camino Derecho, p. 14, while the article on Nicolás de Jesús
María in the DS has him dying in 1655.
- Ibid., p. 42.
- Elías Gómez, Fr. Juan Falconi... p. 129.
- Ibid., p. 305.
- De contemplatione acquisita, p. 76.
- Melquiades Andrés Martín, Los Recogidos, p. 560.
- E.A. Peers, Studies of the Spanish Mystics, Vol. II, p. 238.
- Simeón de la Sagrada Familia, "La Obra Fundamental..." p. 499.
- Juan Arintero, La verdadera mística tradicional, pp. 258-260.