Front Cover

Top left: A Guaycura of San Luis from Baegert’s Observations.
Top right: Sunset near La Junta.
Middle left: Amidst Baegert’s rocks and thorns, an occasional oasis.
Middle right: A rock shelter deep in the sierra.
Lower left: A statue carved out of volcanic material, perhaps of Nuestra Señora de Los Dolores, now at San Luis Gonzaga. It has been suggested (James Francez, The Lost Treasures of Baja California) that this statue might even have been at Los Dolores.

Map 1: The Fernando Consag map of 1746. See Chapter 4, note 5.

Plate 1: The Mission Era.
Top left: San Luis Gonzaga today.
Top right: A Guaycuran mother carrying a net bag and wearing a garment of strung carrizo sections.
Middle left: A drawing by Alexander-Jean Noël done in 1769. See Engstrand, Joaquin Velazquez de Leon.
Lower right: La Pasión in 1950. Photo taken by Marquis MacDonald and Glenn Oster, Baja: Land of Lost Missions.

Plate 2: The Rancho Era.
Top left: 1851 Census of Intermedios. See Ch. 9.
The rest of the photos on this page were taken by Arthur North on his 1906 journey. The bottom 4 are all from the Guaycura nation area. Intermedios cowboys, Making mescal, and Benigno de la Toba and family come from North, "The Story of Magdalena Bay," a picture source that David Richardson suggested to me.

Plate 3: Archaeology.
1a. A rock shelter in the sierra
2a. A crystal point (measured in cms.)
3a. Probably blanks from which finished implements would be made.
1b. Pipe out of sandstone-like material.
2b. Shell jewelry and bone awls from the La Pasión area.
3b. Broken projectile point in place in a rock shelter. It suggests Baegert’s arrowhead like a snake’s tongue, p. 44.
1c. Perhaps a shaman’s curing pipe made out of volcanic material.
2c. Note the detail work at the base of the point.
1d. Cave of the Initiations, p. 106.
2d. Hair cape from the Palmer Collection. Massey, "A Burial Cave."

Plate 4: Archaeology.
1a. The point to the left is quite thin.
2a. A sectioned burial at El Conchalito.
2b. Lines on a rock shelter wall in the La Pasión area.
1d. Part of the Castaldí Collection. Gardner, Off the Beaten Track, p. 360.
3d. Lower left, an obsidian point from the La Pasión area.

Table 5: Projectile Point Classifications. Massey, The Castaldí Collection, p. 40.

Back Cover
An arroyo after the rain of 2001 close to Tañuetiá, the place of the ducks, the site of La Pasión, and the ducks were still swimming there.

1. Dunne, Black Robes, p. 195. Peter Dunne, writing in 1952, could certainly not have had Baegert’s Observations in mind here.
2. Ibid., p. 187.

1. Vizcaíno, Relation, p. 147. These fish traps might have given rise to the story that Jacobo Baegert was later to refute that there was "a wide pier of heavy piles at the bay of Santa Magdalena reaching out almost half an hour into the ocean." Observations, p. 176.
2. Ibid., p. 148.
3. Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 104.
4. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, paragraphs numbered 764-767.
5. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 294.
6. For more details about Guillén see Mathes, Clemente Guillén, p. 20.
7. Venegas, Obras Californias, Vol. 5, p. 294.
8. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, n. 881.
9. For the use of the term el Sur in the time of the Jesuit missions, see Crosby, Antigua California, p. 440, note 36.
10. Dunne, Black Robes, p. 471, note 12.
11. The original manuscript is in the National Library of Mexico (BNM), Archivo Franciscano I, 2,1. See Guillén, 1719 Expedition, p. 31, note 16. This 1719 journal had been attributed in the past to Esteban Rodríguez Lorenzo, the first Captain of the California missions, but this is quite unlikely. He is spoken of in it, as we will see, in the third person, and the author appears to be the same as that of the 1720 expedition, a journey on which Rodríguez was not present. Further, we read in the 1719 diary how the Captain started from Loreto, and on March 5^th the third person description changes to "We left San Juan Malibat…," when Guillén arrived on the scene.
12. Arthur North, an accomplished Baja traveler of the early 20^th century puts it like this: "Distances are universally overestimated through the habit of the natives in reckoning a mule’s gait at two leagues to the hour when, as a matter of fact, over the prevailing rocky caminos four miles to the hour would be a more correct estimate." The Mother of California, p. 129.
13. Guillén, 1719 Expedition, p. 32.
14. A look at the route of the expedition indicates that the old Tiguana might have been near Los Batequitos, and considerably west of present-day rancho Tiguana.
15. Guillén, 1719 Expedition, p. 41, n. 31.
16. For more on the Guaycura signaling devices see Crosby, Antigua California, p. 435, note 35
17. Guillén, 1719 Expedition, p. 59.
18. The original is in BNM Archivo Franciscano 3/49.1. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 63.
19. Bravo, Razón de la entrada, p. 41.
20. It was through the kind offices of Livorio Villalgómez of the Biblioteca Nacional of Mexico City that I got to examine Guillén’s diaries, and Descripción y Toponimia.
21. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 65.
22. Ibid., p. 72.
23. Bravo, Razón de la entrada, p. 43.
24. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 77.
25. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, n. 984.
26. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 79.

Chapter 2

1. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 46.
2. Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 90-91.
3. Guillén, 1744 Informe.
4. It is sometimes mentioned that Guillén did, indeed, bring some of his Indians from San Juan Malibat to this new mission, but as yet I have been unable to track down the historical sources for this. Los Dolores at Apaté should not be confused with the Los Dolores described by Píccolo in his 1702 Informe del estado (p. 53, 55) at Yodiviggé, apparently a mission station, or visita, of San Javier, together with the rancherías of Niumqui and Unubbé.
5. Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 98.
6. Ibid., p. 100.
7. Ibid.
8. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 451 n. 63.
9. Ibid., p. 139.
10. Guillén, 1730 Letter to Echeverría.
11. Guillén, 1730 Informe.
12. There may have been a road from Los Dolores to San Carlos Aripaquí along the coast, for Guillén places Aripaquí 8 leagues away, and ten years later, according to the author of Descripción y Toponimia, a road did, indeed, go along that stretch of the Gulf coast.
13. Guillén sounds like he is probably replacing the original chapel at Apaté with a more elaborate church. If this is so, he could not have been seriously intending to move the mission at this point. The other possibility is that the church he is referring to is being built at La Pasión, and he has his move to the sierra already in mind, but that is not very likely, as we will see from the remarks of Visitador General José de Utrera later. The ruins of what appears to be the façade of the church, according to Aguilar, Misiones, p. 95, 126, faces the Gulf. There also appears to be a dwelling north of it, and in back of the church are the walls of outbuildings.
14. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 312.
15. Taraval, The Indian Uprising, p. 11.
16. Ibid., p. 38.
17. Ibid., p. 60-61.
18. Ibid., p. 75.
19. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 231-232.
20. Taraval, The Indian Uprising, p. 90.
21. Ibid., p. 120.
22. Ibid., p. 132. Why this name would be edifying I have no idea.
23. Ibid., p. 133-4.
24. Ibid., p. 141.
25. Ibid., p. 146.
26. Ibid., p. 164. This appears to be the incident that Baegert will refer to many years later, but put at 1747 instead of 1737. (Letters, p. 178.)
27. Ibid., p. 178.
28. Ibid., p. 157.
29. Ibid., p. 158.
30. Ibid., p. 252-3.
31. The Eguí may have been a name that he took from a Guaycuran place name. Even today there is a rancho Agui Nuevo, and in the itinerary of Lizasoáin, one of the places he passed in the middle of the Guaycuran territory was called Gui.
32. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, ns. 1293-1294.
33. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 502, n. 21.

1. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 9-10.
2. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 407.
3. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 167.
4. Hostell, 1743 Letter to his father, p. 165.
5. Ibid., p. 167-168.
6. Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 160.
7. Ibid., p. 240.
8. Ibid., p. 241.
9. Barco, Historia natural, p. 239.
10. Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 241.
11. Ibid.
12. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 11.
13. Barco, Historia natural, p. 407.
14. Píccolo, Informe del estado, p. 305.
15. Guillén, 1744 Informe, p. 4. Guillén’s report of 1744, the original of which is in the Bancroft Library in Berkeley, bears a title on a separate page by someone other than Guillén, himself. It reads in the upper righthand corner: "Californias" and then "Mission de N. S^a. de los Dolores en la Nacion Waicura Su P Missionero actual el P^e. Clemente Guillen." This separate title page appears to match the one found on Hostell’s report on San Luis Gonzaga of the same year: "Californias Mission de San Luis Gonzaga en la Nacion Waicura Su P. Missionero actual el P^e. Lamberto Hostell (Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 252, note 1) The original in this case is in the Mateu Collection in Barcelona. The two reports were probably together at one point, perhaps in the hands of Burriel, before they wandered to their present destinations. Guillén’s was written on August 27, 1744, and Hostell’s on Sept. 28, 1744. The English translators of Francisco Javier Clavijero’s 1789 Storia della California have Guillén writing a Noticias de la Misión de Los Dolores del Sur de California, alias S. Juan Talibat a Liqui y de sus pueblos Concepción, Encarnación, Trinidad, Redención, y Resurrección. (p. 219) They also have Hostell writing a similar document: Noticia y Descripción de la misión de San Luis Gonzaga y de sus Pueblos, S. Juan Nepomuceno y la Magdalena, (p. 337) and Venegas using these manuscripts. It is likely that the references here refer to the informes of 1744, used not by Venegas in his original work, which was completed before this time, but by Burriel in his revision of it. (p. 377 and part III, XXIII, p. 547 in the edition of Burriel in Obras Californias.)
16. Barco, Historia natural, p. 253-4. Miguel del Barco was augmenting and correcting Miguel Venegas’ Empressas apostólicas which Venegas had finished by August 5, 1739, and which had been edited and transformed by Andrés Marcos Burriel in order to bring it up to 1752, and which was finally published in Madrid in 1757.
17. Ibid., p. 263.
18. The original is in BNM, Archivo Franciscano 4/62.1.
19. Rodríguez, Descripción, p. 14-15.
20. Ibid., p. 20.
21. Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 241.
22. Ibid., p. 242.
23. Ibid., p. 242-244.
24. Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 137-8.
25. Ibid., p. 206-7.
26. Ibid., p. 221.
27. This is probably a reflection of the pastoral norms enforced in the Mexican Province under which the Eucharist could not be kept in the mission churches, or brought nearby to the sick, or taken by horseback to them when they were further away. They were to be brought to the Church, all this under the threat of excommunication for fear the Eucharist would be desecrated. Baegert, Letters, p. 106.
28. Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 243.
29. Barco, 1744 Informe, in Historia natural, p. 423.
30. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 258 and p. 493, n. 156.
31. Ibid., p. 479, n. 105.
32. Ibid., p. 492, n. 133.
33. Barco, Historia natural, p. 266.
34. Mathes, Clemente Guillén, p. 26.
35. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 11. Burros, Jesuit Relations, p. 236, n. 20. Mathes has Bernardo Zumziel helping Hostell establish Los Dolores at La Pasión in 1737. Mathes, Las Misiones, p. 89. But this is unlikely since it appears clear that the mission was not moved to La Pasión until 1741, and other sources have Zumziel arriving in California in 1744. Jesuit Relations, p. 69.
36. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 9.
37. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 405.
38. Barco, Historia natural, p. 263, and note 53.
39. W. Michael Mathes places him reconnoitering the Bahía de Santa María Magdalena in 1750 to once again see if it could serve as a port or as a settlement. Clemente Guillén, p.89.
40. Baegert, Observations, p. 126.
41. The dating of some of these documents is a bit confused and confusing. Burrus, in his Jesuit Relations, gives the date of Hostell’s 1744 Informe as 1748, and his letter to Burscheid as January 17, 1750, when it was probably January 17, 1758 because in Jesuit Relations, p. 252, n. 15, he tells us that the original source was the Austro-German mission magazine Welt-Bott in which is found the following note: "N. 763. The fourth letter of Rev. Fr. Joseph Burscheid of the same order and province, written from the same place as the previous three letters and on the same day, month and year." And Hostell’s Letter to his Father is 1758 instead of 1750 because it mentions his ministry of confirmation which took place in 1755.
42. Hostell, 1758 Letter to his father, p. 173.
43. Hostell, 1758 Letter to Burscheid, p. 246.
44. Ibid., p. 246-7.
45. Ibid., p. 250. It is easier to understand the tabu against eating wildcat meat, perhaps in terms of the animal’s spirit somehow possessing the child, than it is to comprehend what Hostell meant by killing the first-born child "in order to preserve its life and form."
46. Barco, Historia Natural, p. 317-8.
47. Baegert, Letters, p. 225-6.
48. Ibid., p. 227.

1. For biographical and bibliographical information see the translators’ introductions and notes in Obervations and Letters.
2. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 404.
3. Baegert, Letters, p. 21.
4. Ibid., p. 86.
5. Early missionary maps add virtually nothing to our knowledge of our area. Consag’s 1746 map, (see Map 1) a copy of which is in León-Portilla’s edition of Barco’s Historia natural, (and the original is in the Karpinski Collection, n. 558, in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville) shows, for example, San Carlos on the coast, and the islands of San José and San Francisco. There were, in fact, two Consag maps, one showing the peninsula north of our area, and this one showing the entire peninsula. Inland we find Dolores, and two names mutilated by a crease in the map. One is near the west coast and reads: _ia? de Nuestra Señora de Loreto, perhaps an error for Bahía de Santa María Magdalena. The other appears right below Dolores and reads: Mon(t?)…n. The best guess in Montalvan. Venegas tells us of an Isla Montalva(n?) in the bay of Los Dolores, which also appeared on one of the 1857 maps of José María Esteva that accompanied his Decreto sobre la pesca de perla as Montalvan. It is likely that Consag’s map shows it because it was known to the pearlers. On a modern map Isla Montalvan migrates to Cape Montalvo and Cerro Montalvo north of Los Dolores, and Isla Montalvan becomes Isla Habana. On the 1788 map that appears in Clavigero’s history we find San Luis Gonzaga and shows M(ar)ia Addolorata i.e., Our Lady of Sorrows, with Tagnuetia directly below, which is our Tañuetiá. Bill Frank of the Huntington Library was kind enough to check some of these readings for me.
6. Baegert, Letters, p. 151.
7. The first edition of Observations appeared in 1771, and a second edition was corrected by Baegert before his death in 1772, and appeared in 1773. Part of Baegert’s motivation for writing the book was to counteract unfounded stories about Baja California that were circulating in Europe, more specifically, it appears, in the preface to the French translation of Burriel’s edition of Venegas. See Murr’s "Refutation" in Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account. Baegert’s Letters were not published until 1982. Did Baegert have the letters he wrote to his brother when he wrote his Observations? It appears unlikely if we compare incidents that are in both places, for example, the boat incident, Observations, p. 150, and Letters, p. 225-6, the Ascension Day murder, Observations, p. 150, Letters, p. 225, or the story of Clemente the Cow, Observations, p. 90, Letters, p. 229, we see the same pattern emerge. In the Letters the story is more graphic and detailed, while in Observations it is blander, more general and abbreviated, omitting facts that Baegert would probably have added if he had the letters before him.
8. Baegert, Letters, p. 128.
9. Baegert, Observations, p. 25.
10. Baegert had had health problems in Europe, and after some relapses in the early part of his stay, grew healthier and even gained weight. Baegert, Letters, p. 198.
11. Baegert, Observations, p. 24.
12. Baegert, Letters, p. 129.
13. Baegert, Letters, p. 157.
14. Ibid., p. 162.
15. Baegert, Letters, p. 170-1. Baegert describes the house’s foundation being cut into bedrock so it is possible that its location could still be found.
16. Ibid., p. 210, 212.
17. Utrera, Nuevo estado, p. 108. We see an echo of this visit in the discussion Utrera had with Baegert about the size of the missions in the Mexican province. Letters, p. 187.
18. Ibid., p. 109. Miguel del Barco places the loss of the Los Dolores canoe in 1750 vs. other sources that places it in 1759, for example, Clavigero, History, p. 337. And more importantly, Baegert puts it "last year" in his letter of 1761. Letters, p. 225. Here we see that there was still a canoe at Apaté in 1755. A study of the ruins of La Pasión shows a simple rectangular building, (Aguilar, Misiones, p. 128.) divided into three sections. The text (p. 95) says two sections. Nearby is a small square space enclosed by low walls. It is unclear whether this building is what Utrera saw. We are left with the impression, though, that the physical plant of the mission at Apaté was more elaborate than its second foundation here at La Pasión.
19. Baegert, Letters, p. 199.
20. Baegert, Observations, p. 59.
21. Ibid., p. 124-5.
22. Ibid., p. 120.
23. This is probably not the statue that is to be found in the church today, which is of Our Lady of Sorrows rather crudely carved out of some sort of volcanic material.
24. Baegert, Letters, p. 212.
25. Baegert, Observations, p. 125.
26. Ibid.
27. Baegert, Letters, p. 152.
28. Baegert, Observations, p. 133.
29. Ibid., p. 143.
30. Baegert, Letters, p. 165.
31. Baegert, Observations, p. 143.
32. Baegert, Letters, p. 177.
33. Baegert, Observations, p. 146.
34. Ibid., p. 147.
35. Baegert, Letters, p. 191-2.
36. Baegert, Observations, p. 147.
37. Ibid., p. 26.
38. Baegert, Letters, p. 212-3.
39. Ibid., p. 160.
40. Ibid., p. 212.
41. Baegert, Observations, p. 85.
42. Baegert, Letters, p. 231.
43. Ibid., p. 155.
44. Baegert, Observations, p. 143.
45. Baegert, Letters, p. 150.
46. Baegert, Observations, p. 150-1.
47. Baegert, Letters, p. 170.
48. Baegert, Observations, p. 38.
49. Ibid., p. 37.
50. Baegert, Letters, p. 130.
51. Baegert, Observations, p. 39.
52. Baegert, Letters, p. 136.
53. Ibid., p. 151.
54. Ibid., p. 128.
55. Baegert, Observations, p. 90.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid., p. 77.
58. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 404.
59. Baegert, Observations, p. 140.
60. Ibid., p. 21-2.
61. Hostell, 1758 Letter to his father, p. 173.
62. Baegert, Letters, p. 153.
63. Ibid., p. 202, 231, Observations, p. 176.
64. Baegert, Letters, p. 154.
65. Ibid., p. 193.
66. Baegert, Observations, p. 56.
67. Ibid., p. 55.
68. Baegert, Letters, p. 163.
69. Baegert, Observations, p. 57-8.
70. Baegert, Letters, p. 137.
71. Baegert, Observations, p. 53.
72. Ibid., p. 176.
73. Ibid., p. 53.
74. Ibid., p. 87, 180.
75. Ibid., p. 60.
76. Ibid., p. 88.
77. Ibid., p. 63.
78. Ibid., p. 88.
79. Ibid., p. 64.
80. Ibid., p. 65.
81. Ibid., p. 84. Perhaps like the fragmented point in Plate 3: 3b.
82. Ibid., p. 93.
83. Baegert, Letters, p. 177.
84. Baegert, Observations, p. 59.
85. Ibid., p. 60.
86. Ibid., p. 70.
87. Ibid., p. 60.
88. Baegert, Observations, p. 85.
89. Ibid., p. 62.
90. Ibid., p. 69. In Letters, p. 143, we read that the Indians are frying certain foods "on hot planks," which probably refers to the same process, and planks should be understood as coals shaken with the seeds in woven trays.
91. Ibid., p. 66.
92. Ibid., p. 69.
93. Ibid., p. 40.
94. Ibid., p. 23.
95. Baegert, Letters, p. 196.
96. Ibid., p. 176.
97. Ibid., p. 137.
98. Baegert, Observations, p. 80.
99. Ibid., p. 81.
100. Ibid., p. 83.
101. Ibid., p. 87.
102. Ibid., p. 93.
103. Ibid., p. 124.
104. Baegert, Letters, p. 179.
105. Baegert, Observations, p. 88-9.
106. Ibid., p. 80.
107. Baegert, Letters, p. 202.
108. Baegert, Observations, p. 74.
109. Baegert, Letters, p. 223.
110. Baegert, Observations, p. 62.
111. Ibid., p. 58.
112. Baegert, Letters, p. 201.
113. Ibid., p. 203.
114. Baegert, Observations, p. 78.
115. Ibid., p. 88.
116. Ibid., p. 90.
117. Baegert, Letters, p. 223-4.
118. Aschmann, The Natural and Human History, p. 70.
119. Baegert, Observations, p. 95.
120. Ibid., p. 91.
121. Ibid., p. 88.
122. Ibid.
123. Ibid., p. 73.
124. Ibid., p. 72.
125. Ibid., p. 74.
126. Baegert, Letters, p. 141.
127. Baegert, Observations, p. 55.
128. Ibid., p. 56.
129. Ibid., p. 53.
130. Ibid., p. 88.
131. Ibid., p. 121.
132. Baegert, Letters, p. 154.
133. Mission life here can be compared to the picture of life at San José de Comondú that Harry Crosby has pieced together. See Antigua California, pp. 197ff and 201ff.
134. Baegert, Letters, p. 176.
135. Ibid., p. 223.
136. Baegert, Observations, p. 62.
137. Baegert, Letters, p. 138.
138. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 421.
139. Lizasoáin, Noticia.

1. Massey, "Tribes and Languages," p. 303.
2. Taraval, The Indian Uprising, p. 38.
3. León-Portilla, La California Mexicana, p. 101ff.
4. Laylander, The Linguistic Prehistory. See, for example, the two letters of Nicolás Tamaral of 1730 to Padre Visitador José Echeverría on mission San Joseph de las Coras where he uses the phrase, "Cora, or Pericú." See Tamaral, 1730 Informe, Burrus, Jesuit Relations, p. 149ff. But for a counter argument, see Crosby, Antigua California, p. 430 note 60.
5. Laylander, p. 22.
6. Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 242.
7. Ibid., p. 252, note 10. The Spanish reads: "Habitan este lugar los gentiles huchipoeyes. Con éstos se juntaron allá los de Ika, Añubeve y de Ticudadei. A todos halló el ministro bien inclinados a oír el santo evangelio, como lo manifestaron por el intérprete de su lenguage, mui distinto del idioma waicuro." Hostell, 1744 Informe, p. 264.
8. Guillén, 1719 Expedition, p. 52.
9. Hostell, 1743 Letter to his father, p. 167-8.
10. Hostell, 1758 Letter to Burscheid, p. 250.
11. Baegert, Observations, p. 95, note.
12. Ibid., p. 55.
13. Taraval, The Indian Uprising, p. 120.
14. Ibid., p. 121.
15. Ibid., p. 158.
16. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 64.
17. Ibid., p. 77.
18. Ibid., p. 79-80.
19. León-Portilla, Testimonios, p. 101, note 25. See further the comments of Don Laylander at: www.innerexplorations.com/bajatext/don.htm
20. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 80.
21. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 112.
22. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, n. 1303.
23. Ibid., n. 1304.
24. Ibid., n. 1305.
25. Massey, "Tribes and Languages," p. 277, 279.
26. Rodríguez, Descripción, p. 13.
27. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, n. 1554.
28. Rodríguez, Descripción, p. 14.
29. Massey, "Tribes and Languages," p. 275.
30. Barco, Noticia, p. 243.
31. Utrera, Nuevo estado, p. 108.
32. Baegert, Letters, p. 156.
33. Baegert, Observations, p. 96.
34. Ibid., p. 155.
35. Ibarra, Vocablos, p. 79. But this sounds somewhat dubious, and enemies might be more accurate.
36. Gursky, "On the Historical Position of Waikuri."
37. Laylander, The Linguistic Prehistory, p. 68.
38. Swadesh, "Lexicostatistic Classification."

1. Engelhardt, Missions, p. 305.
2. Ibid., p. 306. By way of comment Engelhardt cites Elliott Coues who wrote: "If in 1821 (i.e., the Mexican revolution) the Mexicans remembered the arrogant assumption in the last clause - ‘que nacieron para callar y obedecer, y no discurrir, ni opinar en los altos asuntos del Gobierno,’ - they can hardly be blamed."
3. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 383.
4. Baegert, Observations, p. 159.
5. Ibid., p. 118.
6. Ibid., p. 171.
7. Ibid.
8. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, Ch. V
9. This was certainly not in my mind when my wife and I were married in the Mission of San Diego some 200 years later.
10. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 40-1.
11. Ibid., p. 53-55.
12. Ibid., p. 56.
13. In 1976 a fishing boat trawling from Loreto to Juncalito caught a bell in its nets, which is now in the museum of Loreto with a plaque claiming that it was a bell from the wreck of the San José. If this were so, then it could have been one of the bells of Los Dolores, but the inscription on the bell, which is quite abraded, probably reads San Agustín, and there is no way of knowing where it came from. Why it was attributed to the San José I don’t know. There are various stories about the bell and where it was found, for example, off the island of Espiritú Santo, (see also O’Neil, Loreto, p. 262) but the most likely version, which I heard from Quintín Muñoz, is that the bell was caught in the net near Loreto and dragged for a while before the fishermen realized what they had.
14. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 63.
15. Ibid., p. 86.
16. Ibid., p. 86-7.
17. Engstrand, Joaquin Velazquez.
18. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 86.
19. Ibid., p. 143.
20. Ibid., p. 145.
21. Ibid., p. 146.
22. For more on Juan Crisóstomo de Castro see Crosby, Antigua California, p. 415.
23. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 148.
24. Ibid., p. 167.
25. Probably the same José Dominguez described in Crosby, Antigua California, p. 416.
26. Moreno y Castro, "Sobre el mal trato."
27. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 177.
28. Mora, Los Informes, p. 26.
29. Ibid., p. 28.
30. Hovens, "The Origins," p. 17.
31. Ibid. See also ten Kate’s article.
32. The Salesio surname was apparently taken by some of the Indians of San Luis, and recently we heard a story in La Paz of someone having descended from the Guaycuras. Ibarra, Vocablos, p. 147.
33. Diguet, Fotografias del Mayar y de California. 1893-1900.

1. If we adjust these figures for the 9 boys who lost their fathers, and imagine they were orphans, then we have 92 instead of 83 families, and the children per family drops to 3.5.
2. If we look at some of the rancherías, about which we can presume that most of the people were baptized by 1730, we see higher numbers, but still lower than what Cook suggests. Dolores, itself, has a population of 60 people. If we take Atembabichí, which was north on the coast not far from Dolores, and imagine that this ranchería had been completely baptized, we still see only 35 people. For Quaquihué up in the sierra above Apaté, the number is 39, and in Cunupaquí, where we know Guillén had converted some of the people during his expedition of 1719, and ministered to in 1730, we come out with 89. A place like Aripaquí (San Carlos) only shows 10 people, but Guillén tells us in this report that they had been attacked by the Cubí. If we average the figures for Dolores, Atembabichí, Quaquihué and Cunupaquí, we arrive at around 55 people per ranchería, and if we correct this for those who have already died by 22%, we arrive at a pre-contact figure of 67 per ranchería. This appears too high if Guillén’s estimate of 1,300-1,400 for the whole area is sound.
3. This is significantly above Guillén’s estimate, but well below the 4,690 we would obtain by estimating each ranchería at 67. Baegert will estimate that his Ikas never had more than 500, but if this westside group had that many, then our 2,380 is within bounds.
4. Aschmann puts the average number of people per square mile at .97. See The Central Desert, p. 178.
5. The Los Dolores baptismal register, created after the Isleño Pericue, had torn to pieces the old one of San Juan Malibat, showed that that mission from 1715 to 1722 had had 114 baptisms, while 3 pages of the old book that had survived showed 101 baptisms. Guillén, 1744 Informe. Unfortunately, the registers from Los Dolores and San Luis Gonzaga have disappeared.
6. Baegert, Letters, p. 193.
7. Lassépas, De la Colonización, p. 107.
8. Cook, "The Extent," p. 18.
9. Ibid., p. 24.
10. Estimates of mortality run as high as 90%. Adovasio, The First Americans, p. 31.
11. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 155.
12. The Jesuit missionary Julián de Mayoraga was the representative of the Inquisition in Baja California, although just what he would have found to do is another matter. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 486, n. 16. Baegert leaves us the impression that the Indians were considered so backward in their understanding of Christian doctrine that one could not really be concerned about the heresies they might utter. The cases of the Inquisition in Mexico ranged from dealing with Protestants and Jews to witchcraft and immoral behavior. Águeda, Catálogo de Textos.
13. Baegert, Observations, p. 203. The comparison would have even been better to the Bushmen, for the Hottentots were pastoralists.
14. van der Post, The Lost World; Bjerre, Kalahari; Thomas, The Harmless People. The preceding comparisons have been drawn from these books, and more scientific accounts demonstrate the remarkable grasp of the San hunters of the world of animals and their behavior, and the elaborate social customs like the sharing of meat that ensure the unity and harmony of the band, as well as the child care practices which can be compared to Baegert’s statements of the neglect of the Guaycura children. Observations, p. 76. See Lee, Kalahari, especially the following articles: Nicholas Blurton Jones and Melvin J. Konner, "!Kung Knowledge of Animal Behavior"; Lorna Marshall, "Sharing, Talking, and Giving"; and Patricia Draper, "Social and Economic Constraints on Child Life among the !Kung."
15. Baegert, Observations, p. 76.
16. Baegert, Letters, p. 205, 217.
17. Ibid., p. 225.
18. Sales, Observation, p. 61, 197 note 50.
19. Sullivan, Salvation Outside the Church?, p. 88ff.
20. Baegert knew the work of his fellow Jesuit, José de Acosta (1540-1600) who had championed the rationality of the Indians and urged that they should not be excluded from communion. Letters, p. 155. But Acosta apparently also allowed the use of force in regard to free-roaming savages in order to bring them to Christianity. He also rather remarkably suggested before the exploration of the Bering Sea that the Indians had come overland from Asia perhaps some 2,000 years before the arrival of the Spaniards. Adovasio, The First Americans, p. 6-7.
21. Baegert, Letters, p. 92.
22. Ducrue, Ducrue’s Account, p. 169-170.
23. Baegert, Letters, p. 217.
24. Ibid., p. 219.
25. Ibid.
26. Ibid., p. 220.
27. Ibid., p. 221.

1. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, p. 41.
2. Lassépas, De la Colonización, p. 193.
3. A later copy still exists in the Pablo Martínez Archive in La Paz. This copy made by Francisco Betancort on August 31, 1847 had been made from a copy of Felipe Barris (Barri) on July 16, 1775, and the grant, itself, is dated April 29, 1769.
4. Harry Crosby adds to this picture. Romero mistakenly called Luis instead of Felipe in one document, had been born in Río Chico, Sonora in 1721, and was described as a mestizo. He enlisted in Loreto in 1740, went with Padre Consag to explore the Río Colorado in 1746, and was a sergeant at the Real de Santa Ana in 1768. Romero had held an earlier grant for land at San José de Cabo. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 420.
5. Mora, Los Informes, p. 56, note 6.
6. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 285, 502 note 101; Baegert, Letters, p. 188.
7. Lassépas, De la Colonización, p. 193. And Pablo Martínez tells us that most of Romero’s descendants had clear or greenish eyes. Guía Familiar, p. 28.
8. Engelhardt, Missions, p. 568.
9. Crosby, Last of the Californios, p. 54-5.
10. Ibid., p. 55.
11. Sales, Observations, pp. 87, 90.
12. Longinos, Journal, p. 28.
13. Mathes, Clemente Guillén, p. 90.
14. Crosby, Last of the Californios, p. 75-6.
15. Engelhardt, Missions, p. 683.
16. Mathes, Baja California Cartográfica, p. 7.
17. Ibid., p. 8.
18. North, Mother of California, p. 64.
19. Smith, A Forty-Niner, p. 486.
20. Ibid., p. 486-7.
21. Ibid., p. 487.
22. Beal, Reconnaissance.

1. Padrón de habitantes de la jurisdicción de intermedios desde San Luis hasta San Hilario correspondiente al año de 1851. (PMA, II-V-47/L8-6FF, 0460)
2. Crosby, Last of the Californios, p. 120.
3. Veredas was probably near San Gregorio where the tax roll of 1854 places Murillo.
4. Mathes, Baja California Cartográfica, p. 30.
5. Lassépas, De la Colonización, p. 110.
6. Engelhardt, Missions, p. 692-3.
7. 1216. Intermedios, Julio 17, de 1854, Benigno de la Toba, Juez de Paz, de Intermedios, da a conocer a José Ma. Blancarte, Jefe Sup. Político de la Baja California, la lista de las personas que tienen pendientes el pago del Canon Territorial. (PMA, II-V-54-Bis-L7-2FF).
8. McDonald, Baja, p. 157.
9. North, The Mother of California, p. 81.
10. Mathes, Clemente Guillén, p. 91.
11. J. Ross Browne, Resources, p. 52. Was the Gulf road described by the author of Descripción still being used?
12. Gabb, Exploration, p. 49.
13. Ibid., p. 91.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid., p. 92.
16. Ibid., p. 93.
17. Stickeen, Janes, The Adventures, p. 32-3.
18. Ibid., p. 84.
19. Weber, The Peninsula, p. 73.
20. Mathes, Clemente Guillén, p. 91-2. Family legend has it that my grandfather, Francis Xavier, ran away and joined the Navy, and sailed with the Great White Fleet. I would like to think of him here at Magdalena Bay.
21. Nelson, Lower California, p. 39-42.
22. North, The Mother of California, p. 64. A large format map, Carte de la Cote de l’Amérique sur l’océan pacifique septentrionel, accompanies Duflot de Mofras’ 1844 book. In our area we find from north to south on the Gulf Coast: Agua Verde, Anse S. Marta, Anse Tembabiche, Isla Morena, Punta Roja, B^e Los Dolores, Anse Barras (Burros), Punta de San Abarito (for Evaristo?), Punta Hechado (in the text, Mechado for Mechudo), San Eulogio, Saint Cart(as)? On the Pacific side from north to south: Jacinto, Santa Cruz, Re(b?)anbros, Jesús María, Aguajitos, El Cayo, C’da(r?) Baternes, Misión, N.S. Los Dolores, M^on S. Luis Gonzaga. (In the text, San Luiz détruit, probably meaning Los Dolores in ruins.) I had the pleasure of seeing this map through the kind assistance of Joseph Bray at the Mandeville Collection of the University of California at San Diego.
23. Carl Beal, exploring for oil in 1920-21, traveled extensively throughout Baja California, and left us a map which shows in our area Rancho Colorado, as we saw, as well as a Tepetate, and an Agua Blanca, which have disappeared from modern maps. Beal, Reconnaissance. Baegert has told us about the roads reduced to rocks by erosion, and this is perhaps where the tepetate, or bedrock, name came from. Homer Aschmann, in "The Baja California Highway," http://math.ucr. edu/ftm/bajaPages/BajaRoadPages/ Route1/RoadHistory.html gives details of the history of the peninsula’s roads, and he mentions that he had in his possession a typescript of a study Beal did for the U.S. Army on the roads of Baja California called "Baja California - Route Studies," written in 1922 that covered 27 single-spaced pages.
24. North, Camp and Camino, p. 234.
25. Ibid., p. 222.
26. Belden, Baja California, p. 47. See note 23.
27. Bancroft, The Flight of the Least Petrel, p. 214-16.
28. Gerhard, Lower California Guidebook, p. 206-7.
29. Lewis, Baja Sea Guide, p. 242.
30. Hancock, Baja California, p. 141. Gerhard, Lower California Guidebook, map 14.
31. Wortman, Bouncing, p. 114.
32. Gerhard, Lower California Guidebook, p. 167.
33. This is unlikely. As we have seen, there has been no mention of a chapel between Dolores and San Luis Gonzaga. Rather, San Luis Gonzaga, itself, remained open.
34. MacDonald, Baja, p. 114-16.
35. Barco, Historia natural, p. 277. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 274-5.
36. Carrizo was probably used as a thatch early on, (Crosby, Antigua California, p. 497 note 30) but this was the same carrizo used by the Guaycuras to make their arrow shafts, not the larger variety seen today. Baegert tells us that the roof of his house was thatched with palm leaves that had been imported from the mainland, then covered with reed mats, and finally with soil and mortar. Letters, p. 171.
37. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 242, 274.
38. See the video companion to this book, "An Expedition to the Guaycura Nation."
39. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 284.
40. Crosby, Last of the Californios, p. 134, 140, 142.
41. Ibid., p. 178.
42. Ibid., p. 180.

1. Someone collected projectile points in the Toris area which are now in the Anthropological Museum in La Paz.
2. Massey, "Brief Report," p. 350-351.
3. Massey, Cultural History, p. 354. Based on the excavation of BC 68 and BC 69 at La Paz Bay, Massey writes: "it appears likely that the Pericú of the historic period may have been the descendants of groups of shell-gathering and fishing people who found their way into the peninsula at an early date… There is nothing in the archaeology or historic ethnographic data to indicate that any of the (other) tribes of the Cape region were skilled fishermen." (p. 354) We might make an exception for the west coast bands at Magdalena Bay, perhaps connected with our Uchití-Cubí.
4. Ibid.
5. Hancock, Baja California, pp.142, 143
6. The aboriginal artifacts of Baja California that have come down to us include projectile points and other stone objects like knife blades, blanks from which presumably finished objects would have been made, manos and metates, pipes, and so forth. There are also artifacts of other materials like bone awls, shell tools and ornaments, palm fiber and other materials used for netting, baskets, hats, etc., wood implements and carrizo arrow shafts. There are collections of these artifacts at various places in the peninsula and beyond, but as yet there is no common registry. Here is, no doubt, a very imperfect list: The Anthropological Museum in La Paz. Extensive collections, including material from the excavations near Comondú carried out by Massey and Tuohy. Tuohy, Culture History, p. 59. Most of this material is fragments of carrizo; there is also a small collection of projectile points from the Toris area. Loreto museum: Extensive collections of native, mission and rancho artifacts. Mulegé museum: A good collection of projectile points on display, as well as other Indian artifacts, including a basket that looks like it might have been used as a hat. The Castaldí Collection of Mulegé: a large collection of projectile points. We will look at William Massey’s study of it later. The actual collection has disappeared. See note 55. Rancho El Batequi: A large collection mostly of projectile points. Rancho Santa Marta: A collection of projectile points and other objects. Berger, Almost an Island, p. 159. Another collection is at Rancho San Francisco. All these ranches are in the San Ignacio area. There is a museum in Ensenada, and Gardner (Hovering Over Baja, p. 23-4) mentions a Goldbaum Collection of artifacts at Ensenada whose location is now unknown. Museo del Hombre, Mexicali. Various Pericú area artifacts, shells, beads, etc. (DuShane, "Artifacts," p. 69) Also a stone bowl from the Comondú area. (Alvarez, "Stone Bowls," p. 32) The Anthropological Museum of Mexico City has artifacts from the painted caves in the Sierra de San Francisco, (Meighan, Indian Art, p. 72) the Palmer Collection and some skeletal material from Massey’s excavations. The San Diego Museum of Man has various objects, including lithics, seashells and pottery fragments, from Buena Vista and the Cabo San Lucas areas. The Phoebe Hearst Museum of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley has William Massey’s collection of lithic objects, as well as the four atlatls he excavated. It apparently also has some materials from the Comondú area. (Tuohy, Culture History, p. 58.) The Museum of Man in Paris: Skeletal materials, lithics, shells and fiber objects from the work of León Diguet. (Tyson, "Artifacts," p. 19) And Pablo Martínez leaves us two intriguing stories: "In Cape Pulmo on a large rock 7 to 8 meters in length, facing the sea, there can be seen something which is an inscription with heavy characters, among which many believe there are Gothic, Hebraic and Chaldean symbols." "The author of this work has seen, on a solitary monolith on a great plain at the foot of the Sierra de la Giganta, engravings, not paintings of some figures of animals. The polished stone is in a convex form and on a previously prepared surface there is sculptured, with a degree of perfection, a deer, a tortoise, and a lizard." (Martínez, p. 29-30)
7. Eric Ritter, "The Description," discovered a number of rock circles and other aboriginal rock structures in the Conception Bay area. Similar structures might exist in the Guaycura nation, but they have not been reported, or probably even looked for.
8. Taraval, for example, writes of the Monquí: "I am inclined to believe that this is a branch of the Vaicuro and that the latter comprises three main groups, the Huchitíes, the Periuues, and the Loretans. Although they appear to differ radically yet they have certain rites and customs in common; however, they speak totally different languages." Taraval, The Indian Uprising, p. 30 as cited by Laylander, The Linguistic Prehistory, p. 21.
9. Aschmann, The Central Desert, p. xii; The reference is to Hostell’s 1758 Letter to Burscheid.
10. Massey, "Archaeology and Ethnohistory," p. 344.
11. Ritter, "Spirit Sticks."
12. Napoli, The Cora Indians, p. 51.
13. Ibid., p. 68.
14. Bravo, Razón de la entrada, p. 50.
15. Aschmann, The Central Desert, p. 116.
16. Aschmann, The Natural, p. 66. Crosby, Antigua California, p. 493 n. 158.
17. Aschmann, The Central Desert, p. 112.
18. Massey, The Castaldí Collection, p. 5.
19. Howe, Ancient Tribes, Figure 196.
20. Ken Hedges, "Painted Tablets," reported on a small collection of eight painted tablas from the northern part of the peninsula that might have been used in ceremonies to prevent the return of the dead. Meigs, "Meigs on Tablets," commented on this article. Eric Ritter, "A Magico-Religious," found a tabla in a small cave near Conception Bay. It was a narrow rectangular piece of wood, probably mesquite, approximately 82 m. long and 13 cm. wide. It had two holes in one end and traces of yellow and white pigment in a checkerboard pattern. Miguel del Barco mentions small wooden tablets used to preserve arrow feathers (Ethnology, p. 48), while Molto and Fujita ("La Matancita," p. 49) examined other small wooden tablets which showed signs of wear on their edges, and which might have been used for cutting mescal.
21. Aschmann, The Central Desert, p. 115-6.
22. Massey, L.G., "Tabla and Atlatl," p. 26.
23. Sales, Observations, p. 44-45.
24. This tabla is no longer in the museum in La Paz, and is thought to have been placed in the ill-fated Paralelo 28 Museum at the Monument of the Eagle, and lost with the rest of that collection when the museum was no longer supervised. Aschmann in regard to this tabla notes: "Fr. Lambert Hostell’s use of the expression little tablet (Täfferlein) does not fit well so large an object." (The Central Desert, p. xii) There are discrepancies between his account and that of Massey as far as the source of this material. Aschmann puts the cave "in the hill country north of La Paz," and the wand coming from the same source in the area of San Luis Gonzaga.
25. Hostell, 1758 Letter to Burscheid, p. 246-7.
26. For the full story, see Lost Treasures: Señor Juan, where are you? at www.innerexplorations.com /bajatext/ltjuan.htm
27. Crosby, The Cave Paintings of Baja California, p. 157.
28. Ibid., p. 169.
29. Garduño, En donde se mete el sol, p. 169.
30. Aschmann, The Natural and Human History, p. 92-3.
31. Meigs, The Kiliwa, p. 47.
32. Stewart, "The Chronology."
33. Aschmann, The Central Desert, p. 113.
34. Ibid., p. 114.
35. Massey and Osborne, "A Burial Cave," p. 350.
36. Sales, Observations, p. 48-9.
37. Eliade, Shamanism, p. 302-3.
38. See the description in Meigs, The Kiliwa.
39. Meigs, "Capes of Human Hair from Baja California and Outside," p. 22.
40. See Meigs, "Capes of Human Hair from Baja California and Outside." He was unaware of the hair cape that E. Palmer had found in a cave at Bahía de los Angeles which had probably contained a string of olivella shells.
41. Jacoby, Señor Kon-Tiki, p. 98.
42. See Heyerdahl, American Indians in the Pacific , and Early Man and the Ocean.
43. See Panoff, Trésors des îles Marquises , p. 125.
44. See Dodge, The Marquesas Islands Collection.
45. Hawthorn, Art of the Kwakiutl Indians, p. 177.
46. Brooks, Japanese Wrecks, p. 13-14.
47. Bonnichsen, Who Were, p. 15.
48. Massey, "Archaeology and Ethnohistory," p. 340-1. He notes the existence of pick-like percussion flake tools at Lake Chapala and the south side of La Paz Bay. Marvin and Aletha Patchen describe what might be a similar object which they found in the Timbabichi area and gave to the Museum of Natural History in San Diego. Patchen, Baja Adventure, p. 84-5.
49. Massey, "Archaeology and Ethnohistory," p. 342.
50. Ibid., p. 353.
51. Massey, Cultural History, p. 347-8. For more recent evaluations of the links between Baja California and the cultural complexes to the north, see Eric Ritter, "Los Primeros Baja Californios," and Miguel León-Portilla, "Los Primeros Californios: Prehistoria y Etnohistoria."
52. Tuohy, Culture History, p. 354.
53. Massey, "A Burial Cave."
54. Kowta, "An Anthropological Survey," p. 101.
55. Kowta, "The Layer-Cake," p. 4.
56. Ibid., p. 9.
57. Molto and Fujita also note some highly distinctive cranial traits among the La Matancita material in terms of the ossification of the pterygobasal ligament and infraorbital suture. Molto and Fujita, "La Matancita," p. 50.
58. Modern native Americans have been dated to about 6,000 B.C. while before 7,000 B.C. we see a different kind of skull. The skull of the Kennewick Man is described as closest to those of the Polynesian Moriori of the Chatham Islands, and in another way to the Ainu and Easter Islanders, as well as two European populations. Chatters, Ancient Encounters, p. 231.
59. Molto and Fujita, "La Matancita," p. 51.
60. Discover, March 2003, p. 11.
61. Kirchhoff, "Introducción," in Noticias. Kirchhoff, doing some of the earliest archaeological reflection about the Guaycuras, discusses a whole range of hypotheses of how the peninsula may have been populated, and examines the cultural traits that exist there and not elsewhere.
62. See http://news.nationalgeographic.com/news/2003/07/0717_030717_bajarockart.html
63. Whitley, A Guide to Rock Art Sites , p. 20-21.
64. Ibid., p. 26.
65. Crosby, The Cave Paintings, p. 234.
66. Ibid., p. 118.
67. Ibid., p. 103.
68. Jones, "Shamanistic elements…" p. 14.
69. Meigs, The Kiliwa, p. 49.
70. Lewis-Williams, Images of Power, p. 70, 75.
71. Ewing, Cueva Flechas, p. 15.
72. Lewis-Williams, Images of Power, p. 63.
73. Ibid., p. 130.
74. See http://canales.t1msn.com.mx/educacion/cultura/leer_noticias.cfm?newsid=202728
75. Massey, "The Survival."
76. Massey, L.G., "Tabla and Atlatl."
77. Molto, "La Matancita."
78. Massey, "The Survival," p. 84. See L.G. Massey, "Tabla and Atlatl," on the interpretation of dos palmas.
79. Massey, "The Survival," p. 85.
80. Massey, "A Burial Cave."
81. Píccolo, Informe on the New Province, p. 64.
82. Guillén, 1720 Expedition, p. 109.
83. However, atlatl darts appear to have been in the 4 foot or more range: 138 cm. Grant, "The Spear-Thrower," p. 9; 92.5 cm. for the dart found at Bahía de Los Angeles. Massey, "A Burial Cave."
84. Burrus, Misiones Mexicanas, p. 239.
85. Venegas, Empressas apostólicas, n. 1304.
86. Kowta, "An Anthropological Survey,"p. 67.
87. Massy, "The Survival," p. 91.
88. Hester, "Archaeological Materials."
89. This atlatl is now in the Favell Museum in Klamath Falls, Oregon..
90. Allely, "Atlatl Notes." It is not clear whether the Baja California atlatls were all much larger than the Great Basin ones. In the passage we read from Massey, if a palma is taken to be 20.9 cm. then the atlatl described here would be the same size as one found in a cave near Condon, Oregon, but they would differ in many other characteristics.
91. Massey, Cultural History, p. 306.
92. Ibid., p. 314.
93. Ibid., p. 316.
94. Ibid., p. 355.
95. Massey, The Castaldí Collection. This was particularly fortunate because the collection has disappeared, perhaps as part of the loss of material from the Paralelo 28 museum. The location of Massey’s original photos is unknown, as well. Pictures of two of these boards appeared in Gardner’s Off the Beaten Track, p. 360. See Plate 4, 1d, and we are told that Carlos Margain of the Anthropological Museum in Mexico City, who was accompanying Gardner, took photographs of the collection, as well.
96. Massey, The Castaldí Collection, p. 14.
97. Carmean, "A Metric Study," p. 52.
98. Ibid., p. 70.
99. Kowta, "An Anthropological Survey," p. 66.
100. Rosales-López, La antigua California, p. 106.
101. There are about 20 points collected in the Toris area near La Pasión which are in the Anthropological Museum in La Paz.
102. Overstreet, Indian Arrowheads, p. 176.
103. It is not clear what purpose these flutes served. They may even have had some sort of cultic signifcance. Adovasio, The First Americans, p. 258.
104. Aschmann, "A Fluted Point."
105. Hyland, "An Obsidian Fluted Point," p. 104. Neither the Aschmann nor this fluted point match the photo of a fluted point in the INAH museum in San Ignacio.
106. Clavigero, History, p. 85.
107. Bonnichsen, Who Were, p. 4.
108. Ibid., p. 13.
109. Dillehay, The Settlement, p. 67.
110. Adovasio, The First Americans, p. 40.
111. Dillehay, The Settlement, p. 283. This wider perspective on the peopling of America would make it interesting to revisit earlier work that has bearing on the question of the first people in Baja California. Ritter, "Los primeros" sums up some of these studies, for example, the work of Childers and Minshall who found lacquered stone tools in the Arroyo Yuha-Pinto for which they proposed a date of 50,000 years ago, as well as the work of George Carter in the San Diego area who dated sites to 80,000-100,000 years ago.
112. Dillehay, The Settlement, p. 10.
113. Ibid., p. 70.
114. See www.centerfirstamericans.com/mt.html?a=60>
115. Ravelo, "El descubrimiento," and Fujita, "Arqueología de Isla Espíritu Santo."